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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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44 <strong>Syndromes</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong><br />

backers. Those involved can have a variety <strong>of</strong> power bases, such as<br />

business, the military, the bureaucracy, a political party, or ethnic or<br />

regional social ties. Official positions will be particularly valuable, but<br />

less secure than in Influence Market cases because <strong>of</strong> more rapid liberalization,<br />

growing political competition, and weaker institutions. Elites’<br />

corrupt linkages will <strong>of</strong>ten bridge the public–private gap.<br />

A mature political machine <strong>of</strong>fers an instructive example <strong>of</strong> Elite Cartel<br />

corruption. Shefter’s (1976) account <strong>of</strong> the rise <strong>of</strong> Tammany Hall in New<br />

York City describes a phase during which segments <strong>of</strong> the political and<br />

business elite virtually merged at the top <strong>of</strong> the organization. Tammany<br />

welded city government and entrepreneurs’ wealth into a formidable combine<br />

strong enough to limit political and, in sectors dominated by businesspoliticians,<br />

economic competition. The Tammany leadership was smaller<br />

and more monolithic than the elite cartels <strong>of</strong> whole countries, and many<br />

societies in this group will not be as turbulent as nineteenth-century New<br />

York. But I will suggest in chapter 5 that two generations <strong>of</strong> power- and<br />

spoils-sharing among Italy’s non-communist parties prior to the early<br />

1990s, and the networks <strong>of</strong> presidents, politicians, business leaders, military<br />

figures, and families that dominated Korea from the 1960s through at<br />

least the mid-1990s, illustrate how interlocking networks <strong>of</strong> elites can use<br />

corrupt as well as legitimate influence to maintain control.<br />

Official institutions that are only moderately strong will both facilitate<br />

and (from the elites’ standpoint) necessitate such linkages. Moreover they<br />

weaken anti-corruption efforts and make life more difficult for would-be<br />

political and economic competitors. These systems will not be wholly<br />

undemocratic or uncompetitive, and in some respects Elite Cartel corruption<br />

will be a stabilizing force. But corruption in these cases plays a<br />

different role, and has different uses, from the Influence Market variety.<br />

Instead <strong>of</strong> dealing in access to well-institutionalized decisionmakers,<br />

corruption in these cases is a systemic mechanism <strong>of</strong> control, <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

defensive in nature.<br />

Oligarch and Clan corruption In other societies major political<br />

and economic liberalization – in some cases, simultaneous if poorly<br />

integrated transitions – and weak public–private boundaries have put a<br />

wide variety <strong>of</strong> opportunities in play in a setting <strong>of</strong> weak institutions. The<br />

dominant form <strong>of</strong> corruption here will consist <strong>of</strong> a disorderly, sometimes<br />

violent scramble among contending elites seeking to parlay personal<br />

resources (e.g. a mass following, a business, a bureaucratic fiefdom,<br />

judicial or organized crime connections, or a powerful family) into both<br />

wealth and power.

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