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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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170 <strong>Syndromes</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong><br />

proliferated. Economic policymakers have responded to international<br />

pressures and incentives with significant liberalization. A proposed new<br />

Constitution is intended to build more accountable government and<br />

reduce presidential domination by creating a Prime Minister and cabinet;<br />

the draft document was adopted by a national conference early in 2004<br />

but has drawn much opposition from segments <strong>of</strong> parliament and the<br />

executive. While poor, divided along ethnic and tribal lines, and burdened<br />

by a history <strong>of</strong> dictatorial rule, Kenyans may finally be moving<br />

toward an open, viable economy and accountable, effective government.<br />

But Kenya’s many problems were also reflected in the rapacious pattern<br />

<strong>of</strong> Official Mogul corruption during the Moi years. Monopoly political<br />

power in a setting <strong>of</strong> extremely weak state institutions created strong<br />

incentives to corruption for the President and his personal favorites while<br />

weakening legal checks and countervailing political forces. As in China<br />

(albeit on a far smaller economic scale), economic liberalization meant<br />

that political favorites could devise a wide range <strong>of</strong> dispersed monopolies,<br />

exploiting ‘‘squeeze points’’ <strong>of</strong> varying types with impunity – <strong>of</strong>ten with<br />

Moi’s protection. Opposition groups and much <strong>of</strong> society as a whole were<br />

not only denied opportunities, but were victimized: farmers and small<br />

merchants saw their land and assets taken by Moi cronies, and had few<br />

opportunities for political or legal recourse. While international organizations<br />

took limited action against Kenyan corruption, they tended to<br />

conceive <strong>of</strong> it in terms <strong>of</strong> high-level bribery <strong>of</strong> state <strong>of</strong>ficials, as discussed<br />

in chapter 1. As a result, some <strong>of</strong> the worst abuses – notably, the illegal<br />

seizure <strong>of</strong> private and public lands by government insiders – drew<br />

relatively little international attention (Klopp, 2000). Meanwhile, legitimate<br />

as well as corrupt economic opportunities in many sectors were<br />

dominated by the President and his personal allies. <strong>Corruption</strong> in Kenya<br />

not only enriched the President and his backers; it helped keep the nation<br />

undemocratic, the government ineffective, and the people poor.<br />

A legacy <strong>of</strong> corruption<br />

As the Official Moguls notion suggests, corruption in Kenya has been<br />

shaped by chronically weak institutions, economic liberalization – which<br />

in a setting <strong>of</strong> pervasive poverty translated into compelling economic<br />

opportunities for a very few – and, most <strong>of</strong> all, unchecked and unaccountable<br />

political power. Since independence in 1963 politics and the quest<br />

for wealth have revolved around the presidency – an <strong>of</strong>fice strengthened<br />

considerably by the Constitution, drawn up under British tutelage (Ross,<br />

1992: 424). The legendary Jomo Kenyatta provided powerful symbolic<br />

leadership, but behind him a broad nationalist coalition quickly

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