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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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Influence Markets 79<br />

paid large bribes to politicians and some bureaucrats. The Yoshida<br />

government fell in the wake <strong>of</strong> the scandal, but two other consequences<br />

were equally important. Extensive political intervention halted prosecutions,<br />

beginning a pattern <strong>of</strong> weak enforcement <strong>of</strong> bribery laws and<br />

large numbers <strong>of</strong> suspended sentences. The scandal also hastened the<br />

consolidation <strong>of</strong> feuding conservative parties into the LDP, a move<br />

backed by business leaders wishing to avoid the high cost <strong>of</strong> influence<br />

seen in the Shipbuilding case. The Kuro Kiri (‘‘Black Mist’’) scandal <strong>of</strong><br />

(1966–7) involved not only specific abuses, such as bribes paid by Kyowa<br />

Sugar to LDP politicians for help in obtaining government loans, but also<br />

to the general atmosphere <strong>of</strong> the Sato Eisaku government: bribery was<br />

said to envelop politics like a black mist. Eventually the term included<br />

bribery in Japan’s major baseball leagues. Shigemasa Seishi, former<br />

Kyowa chairman and former Minister <strong>of</strong> Agriculture, received large<br />

sums, as did many Socialist and LDP figures. While the opposition and<br />

LDP dissidents used the issue to push for a national election, Sato’s<br />

faction campaigned on the strong economy and won.<br />

Best-known <strong>of</strong> Japan’s corruption cases was the Lockheed scandal that<br />

began in 1976. Lockheed made payments <strong>of</strong> around ¥500 million (about<br />

$1.6 million in 1976) to Prime Minister, and longtime LDP faction<br />

leader, Tanaka Kakuei. Tanaka was convicted <strong>of</strong> corruption in the<br />

1980s, but because <strong>of</strong> appeals served no jail time; the case effectively<br />

ended with his death in 1993. Another 460 persons were questioned and<br />

seventeen Diet members were named in connection with payments, but<br />

no other charges were filed. In the US Lockheed was the subject <strong>of</strong><br />

Congressional hearings that spurred eventual passage <strong>of</strong> the Foreign<br />

Corrupt Practices Act.<br />

During the 1980s Recruit Cosmos, a real-estate and investment combine,<br />

issued stock to top politicians, bureaucrats, and other VIPs in<br />

advance <strong>of</strong> the shares’ appearing on the market, frequently <strong>of</strong>fering nointerest<br />

financing via funds diverted from government subsidies. Those<br />

stocks could then be sold for large pr<strong>of</strong>its. Political and bureaucratic favors<br />

were given to various Recruit units in return. A major scandal beginning in<br />

1988 eventually revealed that such deals extended to most top political<br />

figures in Japan. In 1991 it was revealed that Kyôwa, a steel-fabrication and<br />

construction firm, made large payments to Abe Fumio, leader <strong>of</strong> an<br />

important LDP faction and former head <strong>of</strong> two regional development<br />

agencies. Abe used political contacts, including former Prime Minister<br />

Suzuki, to win permission for Kyôwa to build a golf course (a major realestate<br />

undertaking in Japan). Abe eventually was sentenced to prison.<br />

The Sagawa Kyûbin case <strong>of</strong> 1991–3 did more than any other to bring<br />

down the LDP in 1993. Sagawa, a trucking and delivery firm seeking

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