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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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206 <strong>Syndromes</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong><br />

can range from disclosure schemes to enhanced regulatory scrutiny <strong>of</strong><br />

companies’ capital and indebtedness to avoid Korean-style interlocking<br />

structures <strong>of</strong> debt. Simply being able to figure out who owns what, and<br />

which debts are owed to (and guaranteed by) whom, is critical both for<br />

economic reform and for policing the political colonization <strong>of</strong> the economy.<br />

Korea’s ‘‘real names’’ reforms <strong>of</strong> the 1993 thus potentially have<br />

far-reaching implications. Those changes, in turn, will be more effective<br />

where there is a free and competitive press.<br />

These are all familiar measures. But their strategic purpose is to bring<br />

political and policy processes out from behind their façades, and giving<br />

both state and society more autonomy from inroads by networks <strong>of</strong> elites.<br />

The goals are not only to improve the quality <strong>of</strong> government operations,<br />

but also to deter collusion; foster a gradual increase in real and decisive<br />

political competition; define clearer working boundaries among the state,<br />

political processes, and the economy; give citizens more <strong>of</strong> an opportunity<br />

to reward effective government and to oust the corrupt; and discourage<br />

the interpenetration <strong>of</strong> political processes, the economy, elite networks,<br />

and bureaucracy. These countries are in a position to benefit from ‘‘consensus’’<br />

reforms because <strong>of</strong> the political and economic foundations built<br />

by interlinked elites. That does not mean that the Elite Cartel syndrome is<br />

some special kind <strong>of</strong> beneficial corruption; nor, as the case <strong>of</strong> Mexico<br />

suggests, does it mean that a developing society basically has it made once<br />

it arrives in this group. Rather, as suggested earlier, many Elite Cartel<br />

countries have not so much controlled corruption as found a way to<br />

withstand its effects for a time. Making the most <strong>of</strong> that finite opportunity<br />

is a matter involving a gradual political transition in which elites’ abuses<br />

and networks are curtailed and countervailing forces in society gather<br />

strength, but not so rapidly that elites break up into warring clans or<br />

engage in hand-over-fist corruption on their way out the door. That is a<br />

delicate process indeed, one that will require a political process in which<br />

elites who lose power at one point know they have not been sent out into<br />

the wilderness, but rather can win another day through credible commitments<br />

to govern well.<br />

Oligarchs and Clans<br />

The primary fact <strong>of</strong> Oligarch and Clan corruption is that economically<br />

and politically ambitious elites are insecure. In a climate <strong>of</strong> rapidly<br />

expanding but poorly institutionalized opportunities and contention<br />

they build bases <strong>of</strong> personal support from which they exploit both state<br />

and the economy, and protect their gains and interests by any means<br />

necessary. In post-Soviet Russia that state <strong>of</strong> affairs led to a toxic mix <strong>of</strong>

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