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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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24 <strong>Syndromes</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong><br />

at a given time, rather than in comparison with ideal processes; some <strong>of</strong><br />

those alternatives might be more harmful than corruption. Still another<br />

view is that established and acceptable ways <strong>of</strong> doing things come to be<br />

labeled corrupt by outsiders who do not understand the informal functions<br />

such behavior might play in society. Such actions or exchanges<br />

might confer or reaffirm status, build social alliances, or reduce conflict<br />

among people and groups, for example. To judge such activities solely by<br />

their systemic political or economic effects may be to ignore other, less<br />

tangible, benefits at a personal or community level. Reforms that do not<br />

address those social functions in alternative ways may well be doomed<br />

to fail.<br />

These views have many drawbacks, however. Too <strong>of</strong>ten they rest upon<br />

hypothetical examples and treat corrupt dealings in isolation, rather than<br />

exploring their broader and longer-term implications (Rose-Ackerman,<br />

2002). Some who have argued for informal social functions <strong>of</strong> corrupt<br />

activities tend to look much harder for beneficial implications than for<br />

harmful ones; too <strong>of</strong>ten it is assumed that if a particular way <strong>of</strong> exchange,<br />

or <strong>of</strong> seeking and using power and status, has existed within a society for<br />

some time it must be superior to ideas originating elsewhere. As we shall<br />

see below, recent research makes it difficult to maintain that there is<br />

something inherently good about corruption. Still, the contrasting views<br />

that have been debated over the years are useful reminders that corruption<br />

cannot really be understood without reference to the political, economic,<br />

institutional, and social setting within which it occurs.<br />

The costs <strong>of</strong> corruption<br />

Over the past fifteen years new evidence and refined theories have shown<br />

that on the whole corruption delays and distorts political and economic<br />

development. Unlike functionalist arguments these findings focus on real<br />

processes and systemic, measurable consequences, rather than upon<br />

specific or hypothetical deals in isolation (Rose-Ackerman, 2002).<br />

Corrupt transactions, via the signals they send and incentives they confer,<br />

can ripple through an entire economy or political system. Bribes that win<br />

public contracts for an incompetent bidder, for example, reward inefficiency<br />

and may discourage efficient firms from entering a country’s<br />

economy. ‘‘Speed money’’ paid to bureaucrats does not break down<br />

administrative bottlenecks (Wei, 1999); instead, it tells other <strong>of</strong>ficials<br />

that they too can make money by dragging their feet.<br />

Some <strong>of</strong> the damage done by extensive corruption is clear and direct:<br />

when political figures and their business cronies divert aid and investment<br />

to <strong>of</strong>fshore bank accounts, poor nations become poorer. Where political

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