CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
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From analysis to reform 205<br />
colonized by elite factions and their political parties, or riven by regional,<br />
ethnic, or other divisions that not only have deep roots but definite<br />
political uses for elites seeking to divide potential opposition groups and<br />
keep them under control.<br />
The behind-the-scenes collusion, favoritism, and the colonization <strong>of</strong><br />
bureaucracies and economic sectors that mark Elite Cartel corruption<br />
suggest that the ‘‘consensus package’’ <strong>of</strong> liberalization, improved public<br />
management, and enhanced transparency may be more productive in<br />
Elite Cartel cases than elsewhere. These countries’ institutional frameworks<br />
can sustain enhanced political and economic competition; those<br />
trends, after all, are what the Elite Cartels are trying to contain. Such<br />
competition and its decisiveness should increase gradually but steadily, as<br />
Korea has done: competition that rises too abruptly may encourage<br />
insecure elites to engage in hand-over-fist corruption (Scott, 1972:<br />
80–84) or can, by fragmenting elite networks, produce the shift toward<br />
Oligarch and Clan abuses we may be seeing in the case <strong>of</strong> Mexico.<br />
Enhanced funding, from sources less open to manipulation by specific<br />
elite factions, for bureaucracies and political parties will be needed if they<br />
are to gain functional independence and, in the case <strong>of</strong> bureaucracies,<br />
check those elites. Legal independence and greater pr<strong>of</strong>essionalism for<br />
agencies controlling major social benefit and public investment funds<br />
must be guaranteed in meaningful ways, perhaps backed up by scrutiny<br />
from independent commissions or the judiciary, to avoid episodes such as<br />
the Development Bank scandals in Botswana. A stronger civil society<br />
with a stake in effective, accountable government rather than in particular<br />
elites will take a long time to emerge and must be sustained by a wide<br />
range <strong>of</strong> incentives (Johnston and Kpundeh, 2002); anti-corruption or<br />
good-government appeals by themselves are unlikely to be credible and<br />
will encounter serious free-rider problems. Emerging civil society groups<br />
will be better sustained by advocating their own interests, and even by<br />
contending among themselves, than by organizing for public goods.<br />
Institution-building can take many forms. Steps should include more<br />
effective controls upon pantouflage (elite employment transitions back<br />
and forth between public and private sectors), and upon lobbying, particularly<br />
by former public or party <strong>of</strong>ficials. Legislation requiring open and<br />
participative party governance and finance, and checks upon conflicts <strong>of</strong><br />
interest, may also reduce opportunities for collusion. The military must<br />
be pr<strong>of</strong>essionalized and clearly under civilian (as opposed to politicians’<br />
personal) control. Effective, transparent, and fairer regulatory processes,<br />
tax collection, and restraints upon black markets will also be worthwhile<br />
investments. Enhanced transparency as regards banking, securities markets,<br />
property rights, and elites’ business interests will also be useful; steps