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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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176 <strong>Syndromes</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong><br />

emerge on its own. It requires that people and groups perceive a strong,<br />

self-interested stake in politics and markets and a realistic chance <strong>of</strong><br />

defending their interests. Strong public institutions (and, as China’s<br />

case shows, a workable conception <strong>of</strong> what ‘‘public’’ does and does not<br />

mean) are essential to that sort <strong>of</strong> reform, but they cannot be created by<br />

fiat, legislation, or enhanced administrative procedures alone. Critical<br />

sustaining energy for reform, based on lasting identities and interests,<br />

must come from society itself (on the history <strong>of</strong> such efforts see Klopp,<br />

2002). But organizing citizens for reform as a worthy social purpose will<br />

rarely be sufficient: reduced corruption is a public good, <strong>of</strong>ten won at<br />

considerable risk and sacrifice, and free-rider problems can be severe.<br />

Extensive contention among social forces with real roots in society is<br />

essential if broadly supported political and economic settlements are to<br />

be reached and sustained by lasting interests.<br />

Power without accountability<br />

Kenya’s corruption reflects deeper and broader problems. The 31 million<br />

residents <strong>of</strong> this former British colony have a GDP per capita <strong>of</strong> only<br />

about $1,000 per year, and suffer from some <strong>of</strong> the world’s highest<br />

mortality rates. Over two million suffer from HIV or AIDS, and the<br />

disease claims nearly 200,000 lives per year. Less than a tenth <strong>of</strong> the<br />

country’s land is arable. Human rights abuses, police violence, and a<br />

weak court system for years made the rule <strong>of</strong> law a doubtful proposition<br />

for most citizens (Ross, 1992: 429; Amnesty International, 2000). For a<br />

generation the economy has been stagnant or contracting, while the<br />

population has grown at over 1 percent per year, enlarged also by a<br />

quarter-million refugees fleeing conflicts in nearby regions. Kenyans are<br />

poorer now than they were a generation ago, and the state’s ability to<br />

deliver essential services has deteriorated (Human Rights Watch,<br />

2002: 3).<br />

As with other African societies those problems are not the whole story.<br />

Kenya is a vigorous society with widespread literacy and considerable<br />

grassroots activism. <strong>Corruption</strong>, human rights abuses, environmental<br />

issues, and violence against women have all been the focus <strong>of</strong> demonstrations<br />

and organizational activity. The Kibaki government has only been<br />

in <strong>of</strong>fice a short time and faces problems on a fearsome scale, but it has<br />

moved aggressively against judicial corruption. Early reports suggested a<br />

renewed social optimism, resistance to corruption and other abuses, and<br />

trends toward improved <strong>of</strong>ficial behavior (Lacey, 2003a). There are<br />

poorer societies in Africa and elsewhere, and there are places plagued<br />

by more extensive violence. Tribal identities and loyalties, a source <strong>of</strong>

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