CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
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140 <strong>Syndromes</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong><br />
beauty queen Imelda Romualdez, merging two political clans in the<br />
process. By 1959 Marcos was a rising figure in the Senate; he became<br />
President <strong>of</strong> the Senate in 1963, and was President <strong>of</strong> the Republic from<br />
1965 until the ‘‘People Power’’ revolution <strong>of</strong> 1986 (Hamilton-Paterson,<br />
1998).<br />
As President, Marcos enjoyed extensive US backing, particularly for<br />
his active support <strong>of</strong> the Vietnam War. Early on he was seen by some as a<br />
modernizer, but very quickly he moved to enrich himself and his cronies<br />
while making life more difficult for rival families. These trends accelerated<br />
in 1972 when, after a series <strong>of</strong> alleged communist provocations<br />
(many staged by government security forces), he declared martial law<br />
(McCoy, 1989a: 192). The legislature and political parties were abolished<br />
in favor <strong>of</strong> Marcos’s own Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL), or<br />
‘‘New Society Movement.’’ The US, apparently liking what it saw, rapidly<br />
increased assistance. The crackdown, Marcos claimed, would help him<br />
pursue land reform and fight corruption, but any such measures were<br />
aimed mostly at personal opponents. Meanwhile the President, the First<br />
Lady, and their cronies were hard at work building a large network <strong>of</strong><br />
interlocking businesses (many <strong>of</strong> them monopolies), using state power to<br />
favor those enterprises and drive out competitors, and extracting bribes,<br />
commissions, and kickbacks wherever they could be found (Montinola,<br />
1993; Wedeman, 1997a: 470). Toward the end <strong>of</strong> the Marcos years it was<br />
commonly said that corporations in the Philippines were like towels in a<br />
bathroom – labeled ‘‘His’’ and ‘‘Hers.’’<br />
Marcos made some administrative changes during martial law, but<br />
they mostly aided and protected his own enrichment (Hutchcr<strong>of</strong>t,<br />
1991: 438, 440): state capacity increased in some respects but bureaucrats<br />
were no more independent <strong>of</strong> the President than before. Kang<br />
(2002a: 136–150) argues that martial law reversed a metaphoric pendulum<br />
<strong>of</strong> corruption: before, family oligarchs had plundered the state, but<br />
now the state controlled the oligarchs. It seems more accurate, however,<br />
to characterize martial law as a very difficult time for some oligarchs and<br />
clans (and for society at large), and as a very lucrative phase for others<br />
who enjoyed Marcos’s personal favor.<br />
Me and mine: crony capitalism in action<br />
Many oligarchs consolidated both their local bailiwicks and their administrative<br />
networks early in the twentieth century, at a time when sugar<br />
producers operated with near impunity. Politically connected growers<br />
extracted so much capital from the Philippine National Bank between<br />
1916 and 1920 that it nearly collapsed. After independence in 1946, local