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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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Influence Markets 67<br />

limits apply to all candidates, and Buckley forbade spending limits for<br />

candidates not accepting public funds. Disclosure has more subtle<br />

effects: under the pre-1970s system many donors, while giving the bulk<br />

<strong>of</strong> their funds to incumbents, also gave at least small amounts to promising<br />

challengers, ensuring access no matter who won. With contributions a<br />

matter <strong>of</strong> public record many donors now find it prudent to give to<br />

incumbents only. Incumbents also use disclosure to discourage potential<br />

challengers by raising and reporting large amounts <strong>of</strong> ‘‘early money.’’<br />

A sense <strong>of</strong> exclusion<br />

Many Americans believe ‘‘money politics’’ is corrupt. In a 1997 Gallup<br />

survey more respondents said elected <strong>of</strong>ficials in Washington are influenced<br />

by pressure from contributors (77 percent) than by the best interests<br />

<strong>of</strong> the country (19 percent), and more said elections are ‘‘for sale to the<br />

candidate who can raise the most money’’ (59 percent) than ‘‘generally<br />

won on the basis <strong>of</strong> who is the best candidate’’ (37 percent) (Gallup, 1997).<br />

In 2003 Newsweek asked whether the political system ‘‘is so controlled by<br />

special interests and partisanship that it cannot respond to the country’s<br />

real needs’’; 70 percent agreed (Pollingreport.com, 2004). A 2004 Harris<br />

survey on ‘‘power and influence in Washington’’ found that 83 percent<br />

<strong>of</strong> respondents said that ‘‘big companies’’ have too much power and<br />

influence; 81 percent said the same <strong>of</strong> political action committees, and<br />

72 percent for political lobbyists, respectively. Just 18 percent said public<br />

opinion had too much influence, and 72 percent said ‘‘too little’’<br />

(Pollingreport.com, 2004) – responses consistent with results from previous<br />

years.<br />

In a January, 2000, Newsweek survey 58 percent said that ‘‘Good people<br />

being discouraged from running for <strong>of</strong>fice by the high costs <strong>of</strong> campaigns’’<br />

was a major problem for the country, and 57 percent said that ‘‘Political<br />

contributions having too much influence on elections and government<br />

policy’’ was a major problem; for both items only 10 percent responded<br />

‘‘Not much <strong>of</strong> a problem’’ (Citizens Research Foundation, 2002). ABC<br />

News and the Washington Post asked, in 2001, whether ‘‘politicians do<br />

special favors for people and groups who give them campaign contributions’’;<br />

80 percent said ‘‘yes, <strong>of</strong>ten,’’ and 13 percent said ‘‘yes, sometimes.’’<br />

Among those giving either response 67 percent said such favors are ‘‘a big<br />

problem.’’ In that same group an interesting contrast emerged: 74 percent<br />

judged such favors ‘‘unethical,’’ but only 46 percent saw them as ‘‘illegal,’’<br />

and 48 percent said ‘‘legal’’ (Pollingreport.com, 2004). A significant share<br />

<strong>of</strong> the population believes the current system fails to prevent, or even<br />

permits, unethical behavior.

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