28.02.2015 Views

CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.

Oligarchs and Clans 143<br />

General Fidel Ramos, who had played a critical role in overthrowing<br />

Marcos, succeeded Aquino in 1992, although he won less than a quarter<br />

<strong>of</strong> the vote (Kang, 2002a: 155). His government attempted a number <strong>of</strong><br />

anti-corruption reforms (Riedinger, 1995: 211–212; Batalla, 2000) with<br />

increasing backing from international agencies and domestic business<br />

organizations. Ramos’s Presidential Commission Against Graft and<br />

<strong>Corruption</strong> (PCAGC), established in 1994, is the country’s most sustained<br />

reform effort to date (Batalla, 2000: 6); it builds upon the 1987<br />

Constitution, which among other changes created an anti-graft court<br />

(Sandiganbayan) and an Ombudsman’s <strong>of</strong>fice with anti-corruption<br />

responsibilities (Tanodbayan) (Batalla, 2000: 6–7). But while the<br />

Ramos campaign generated major publicity, evidence <strong>of</strong> real progress<br />

was scant.<br />

In 1998 Ramos was succeeded by Joseph ‘‘Erap’’ Estrada, whose 40 percent<br />

<strong>of</strong> the vote was the most solid mandate <strong>of</strong> the modern era (Kang,<br />

2002a: 175) but owed much to his former film career. Within less than a<br />

year Estrada was surrounded by scandals: his connections to gambling<br />

interests were one major issue, but family members and political allies were<br />

also implicated in bribery cases involving government contracts for drug<br />

testing <strong>of</strong> law enforcement <strong>of</strong>ficers, school textbooks, and police and<br />

military radio equipment. Estrada and his wife concealed business holdings<br />

worth over US$600 million, along with directorships <strong>of</strong> a variety <strong>of</strong> businesses.<br />

Philippine law requires top <strong>of</strong>ficials to disclose financial information<br />

on themselves, their spouses, and children under eighteen, but was<br />

never designed to deal with someone like Estrada who had families with<br />

several women and used those ties to conceal even more wealth.<br />

Impeachment proceedings dragged on for two years, all but collapsing in<br />

2001 as key figures refused to give evidence. Demonstrations reminiscent<br />

<strong>of</strong> 1986 demanded Estrada’s removal, and with Supreme Court backing<br />

Gloria Macapagal Arroyo – leader <strong>of</strong> yet another prominent political<br />

family – assumed the presidency in January, 2001. Estrada, refusing to<br />

accept the handover, was placed under virtual house arrest at Malacañang<br />

and eventually resigned; he has since been charged with major <strong>of</strong>fenses<br />

(Batalla, 2000; Coronel, 2000; PCIJ,2000).<br />

A tenacious syndrome<br />

The damage produced by Philippine corruption is difficult to overstate.<br />

In 1999 the Ombudsman’s <strong>of</strong>fice estimated losses due to corruption<br />

at about 100 million Philippine Pesos (about US$2.5 million) daily;<br />

World Bank estimates put the loss at around one-fifth <strong>of</strong> the national<br />

government budget, or at about 3.8 per cent <strong>of</strong> GDP (Batalla, 2000: 7,

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!