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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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Wealth, power, and corruption 11<br />

Definitions are a matter <strong>of</strong> long-running debate (see Nye, 1967;<br />

Heidenheimer, 1970; Scott, 1972; Thompson,1993; Thompson,1995;<br />

Johnston, 1996; Philp, 1997; Philp, 2002), and I can scarcely settle the<br />

issue here. While I begin this discussion with a basic definition <strong>of</strong> corruption<br />

itself my main focus will be upon systemic corruption problems, asomewhat<br />

different idea aimed at exploring contrasts rather than resolving them in<br />

advance.<br />

What makes an activity corrupt?<br />

<strong>Corruption</strong> involves the abuse <strong>of</strong> a trust, generally one involving public<br />

power, for private benefit which <strong>of</strong>ten, but by no means always, comes in<br />

theform<strong>of</strong>money.Implicitinthatnotionistheideathatwhilewealthand<br />

power have accepted sources and uses, limits also apply. But in rapidly<br />

changing societies it is not always clear what those limits are, and the term<br />

‘‘corruption’’ may be applied broadly (Hao and Johnston, 2002). Even in<br />

more settled societies its meaning is open to dispute, manipulation, and<br />

change. Distinctions between ‘‘public’’ and ‘‘private’’ can be difficult to draw<br />

(Jowitt, 1983; Wedel, 2001), particularly in the midst <strong>of</strong> economic liberalization<br />

and privatization. Policy changes may redefine public roles as private,<br />

or delegate power and resources to organizations that straddle state/society<br />

boundaries, in the process changing rules and accountability. Benefits and<br />

costs may be intangible, long-term, broadly dispersed, or difficult to distinguish<br />

from the routine operation <strong>of</strong> the political system (Thompson, 1993).<br />

Particularly where the problem is severe, corrupt demands and expectations<br />

can be so ingrained into a system that they go unspoken.<br />

And by what standards do we identify ‘‘abuse’’? One school <strong>of</strong> thought<br />

advocates definitions based on laws and other formal rules because <strong>of</strong><br />

their relative precision, stability, and broad application (Nye, 1967;Scott,<br />

1972). Critics reply that laws may have little legitimacy (or may even be<br />

written by <strong>of</strong>ficials to protect themselves), that definitions <strong>of</strong> corruption<br />

must address the question <strong>of</strong> its social significance – not just its nominal<br />

meaning – and that cultural standards or public opinion thus <strong>of</strong>fer more<br />

realistic definitions (Peters and Welch, 1978; Gibbons, 1989). Relying<br />

upon cultural standards alone, however, may so relativize the concept, or<br />

impose so many distinctions and subcategories upon it, that its core<br />

meaning and useful comparisons are obscured. Still others contend that<br />

any definition based upon the classification <strong>of</strong> specific actions ignores<br />

broader issues <strong>of</strong> morality and justice, and neglects important political<br />

values such as leadership, citizenship, representation, deliberation, and<br />

accountability (Dobel, 1978; Euben, 1978; Moodie, 1980; Philp, 1987;<br />

Thompson, 1993).

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