CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
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Influence Markets 63<br />
highly visible. The US, by contrast, is a federal state with multiple branches<br />
<strong>of</strong> government, decentralized political campaigns, and thousands <strong>of</strong> local<br />
jurisdictions. Important decisions are made at all levels and access points<br />
proliferate, yet dealings between local mayors and contributors are unlikely<br />
to figure in international rankings. Germany too is a federal state whose<br />
Land and city governments spend major sums on construction; bribery and<br />
extortion have been problems at that level (Seibel, 1997:85–86).Allthree<br />
have active private economies and civil societies comparatively free from<br />
intervention by, or dependence upon, government. Most decisions and<br />
transactions in these countries are private, and politics and legal systems<br />
reflect that fact. American scandals like Enron, WorldCom, and other<br />
corporate fraud, sexual abuse <strong>of</strong> children within the Roman Catholic<br />
Church, diversions <strong>of</strong> funds and dubious accounting by United Way charities<br />
(New York Times, January 23, 2003), conflicts <strong>of</strong> interest among top<br />
leaders <strong>of</strong> the US Olympic Committee (New York Times,January26,2003,<br />
2 March 2003), and abuses in the world <strong>of</strong> intercollegiate athletics involve<br />
mostly private dealings. While these three countries probably do have more<br />
success at controlling corruption than many others, it is difficult to say how<br />
large the difference is.<br />
A focus on elections<br />
Influence Markets do not rely on any one technique, nor do societies in<br />
this category have just one form <strong>of</strong> corruption. The targets can include<br />
electoral, legislative, judicial, and bureaucratic <strong>of</strong>ficials and processes;<br />
private or public figures may take the initiative. Germany, Japan, and the<br />
US have a variety <strong>of</strong> corrupt practices in common, such as abuses in local<br />
contracting and (less <strong>of</strong>ten in Germany) police corruption. But the funding<br />
<strong>of</strong> political campaigns is the most widely debated corruption concern<br />
in each and will be our primary focus in this chapter. It raises critical<br />
participation and institutional issues: what constitutes fair and responsive<br />
politics in competitive market societies? Can abuses be restrained without<br />
threatening important values? Influence Market dealings – some <strong>of</strong> them<br />
legal – can threaten the vitality and competitiveness <strong>of</strong> politics, the openness<br />
<strong>of</strong> economies, and the accountability <strong>of</strong> institutions. Reforms can at<br />
times make such problems worse.<br />
Financing campaigns in the United States: who has<br />
the upper hand?<br />
Concern over the role <strong>of</strong> money in American politics pre-dates the republic.<br />
Campaigns for the Virginia House <strong>of</strong> Burgesses by such luminaries as