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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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94 <strong>Syndromes</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong><br />

its de facto structure, contributing to its stability and accomplishments as<br />

well as to chronic weaknesses and ultimate collapse.<br />

Italy as an Elite Cartels case<br />

Elite Cartel corruption can bridge public and private sectors, political and<br />

economic power, and political parties. Such was the case in the partitocrazia<br />

<strong>of</strong> Italy’s First Republic. A weak executive (Colazingari and Rose-<br />

Ackerman, 1998: 460) wrangled with a parliament whose powerful,<br />

party-dominated committees wrote legislation that was complex, vague,<br />

oriented toward local or sectoral interests, and frequently allowed wide<br />

discretion. Implementation was the task <strong>of</strong> a large, ineffective bureaucracy<br />

which, through patronage and de facto lines <strong>of</strong> influence, was<br />

‘‘colonized’’ by the major parties (Waters, 1994: 175; Bufacchi and<br />

Burgess, 1998: ch. 4). The state’s credibility suffered not only because<br />

<strong>of</strong> the gap between formal institutions and political reality, but also<br />

because <strong>of</strong> history and culture. For many Italians Catholicism or<br />

Marxism provided a more compelling framework <strong>of</strong> allegiances and<br />

values than the Constitution or the civil state (Waters, 1994: 176). In<br />

the south, organized crime was <strong>of</strong>ten the strongest organizing force <strong>of</strong> all.<br />

Party spoils systems extended into civil society (Golden, 2003); voluntarism,<br />

and social and political trust, were weak (particularly in the south),<br />

with traditional clientelism taking the place <strong>of</strong> more civic ties and modes<br />

<strong>of</strong> action. Indeed, Pizzorno (1993, quoted in Hine, 1995) has argued that<br />

the parties played a major role in ‘‘socializing’’ both elites and their clients<br />

into patterns <strong>of</strong> illegality. In the economy, many enterprises wore invisible<br />

‘‘party labels’’ (Della Porta and Vannucci, 1999: 191–192, 2002: 722)<br />

and obtained credit, contracts, and favorable bureaucratic decisions on<br />

political grounds (Waters, 1994: 176). Boards <strong>of</strong> directors at times<br />

resembled caucuses <strong>of</strong> the various parties’ representatives. Business and<br />

politics were increasingly fused – a good working definition <strong>of</strong> Elite Cartel<br />

corruption.<br />

Golden (2003) argues that the parties deliberately created a system <strong>of</strong><br />

poor governance in order to maximize the value <strong>of</strong> their bureaucratic<br />

interventions. That state <strong>of</strong> affairs might seem to be just another<br />

Influence Market case, but there are important differences. One was the<br />

weakness <strong>of</strong> the bureaucracy, as noted; another was that political interventions<br />

into that bureaucracy were systematic, continuous, and pervasive,<br />

as the notion <strong>of</strong> colonization implies, rather than discrete deals.<br />

Most important, the parties themselves engaged in extensive collusion.<br />

Electoral politics, on the surface, was strongly ideological and competitive,<br />

but in reality political risks were managed for half a century by a

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