28.02.2015 Views

CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

Elite Cartels 117<br />

As in many patronage systems such considerations at times spilled over<br />

into corruption. Misappropriation <strong>of</strong> $15 million intended to provide<br />

school supplies occurred when a politically connected firm lacking prior<br />

experience in that field was given major contracts. Illegal land sales, fraud<br />

in the construction and allocation <strong>of</strong> housing in and around Gaborone,<br />

the capital, and a near collapse <strong>of</strong> the Botswana Cooperative Bank all<br />

involved corrupt dealmaking among elites. The board <strong>of</strong> the National<br />

Development Bank, dominated by bureaucratic protégés <strong>of</strong> top ministers,<br />

turned a blind eye to lax lending, land-titling, and debt collection<br />

procedures in a variety <strong>of</strong> programs benefiting ministers and their allies<br />

(Good, 1994: 500–516). During the early and mid-1990s a series <strong>of</strong><br />

presidential commissions <strong>of</strong> inquiry were created to look into corruption,<br />

and a new corruption control agency, the Directorate <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong> and<br />

Economic Crime (DCEC) was eventually created (Frimpong, 1997).<br />

Hegemonic corruption<br />

The 1990s scandals involved significant misappropriation <strong>of</strong> resources,<br />

and did little good for Botswana’s image. But they did not produce anything<br />

like a crisis for the system: public protests were broad-based but not<br />

confrontational. Opposition parties continued to gain strength, in part<br />

through public reactions to corruption. Politics remained largely nonideological,<br />

and the <strong>of</strong>ficial response to the scandal – presidential commissions,<br />

the DCEC – in a sense reflected the same patterns and agendas<br />

that had shaped politics since independence.<br />

Botswana, like several other countries in the Elite Cartels group, is a<br />

democracy with competitive elections, dominated by a core elite whose<br />

legitimate and illegitimate dealings maintain cooperation while controlling<br />

political competition. It would not be accurate to say that corruption<br />

has been ‘‘functional’’ for Botswana, even given its economic successes.<br />

Instead – as in Korea – corruption helped a paternalistic elite stay in<br />

power and pursue goals that were development-oriented. The stability<br />

and predictability that followed, along with considerable external backing,<br />

enabled Botswana to take advantage <strong>of</strong> liberalizing trends and opportunities<br />

in a way that many <strong>of</strong> its neighbors have not.<br />

Conclusion<br />

In thinking about Elite Cartel corruption, it is tempting to fall into two<br />

traps. The first is to conclude that it is a benign, or even beneficial, form <strong>of</strong><br />

corruption. The second, perhaps less likely, is to emphasize the relative<br />

simplicity <strong>of</strong> corrupt practices – ‘‘money politics’’ exchanges, for example,

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!