CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
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Elite Cartels 117<br />
As in many patronage systems such considerations at times spilled over<br />
into corruption. Misappropriation <strong>of</strong> $15 million intended to provide<br />
school supplies occurred when a politically connected firm lacking prior<br />
experience in that field was given major contracts. Illegal land sales, fraud<br />
in the construction and allocation <strong>of</strong> housing in and around Gaborone,<br />
the capital, and a near collapse <strong>of</strong> the Botswana Cooperative Bank all<br />
involved corrupt dealmaking among elites. The board <strong>of</strong> the National<br />
Development Bank, dominated by bureaucratic protégés <strong>of</strong> top ministers,<br />
turned a blind eye to lax lending, land-titling, and debt collection<br />
procedures in a variety <strong>of</strong> programs benefiting ministers and their allies<br />
(Good, 1994: 500–516). During the early and mid-1990s a series <strong>of</strong><br />
presidential commissions <strong>of</strong> inquiry were created to look into corruption,<br />
and a new corruption control agency, the Directorate <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong> and<br />
Economic Crime (DCEC) was eventually created (Frimpong, 1997).<br />
Hegemonic corruption<br />
The 1990s scandals involved significant misappropriation <strong>of</strong> resources,<br />
and did little good for Botswana’s image. But they did not produce anything<br />
like a crisis for the system: public protests were broad-based but not<br />
confrontational. Opposition parties continued to gain strength, in part<br />
through public reactions to corruption. Politics remained largely nonideological,<br />
and the <strong>of</strong>ficial response to the scandal – presidential commissions,<br />
the DCEC – in a sense reflected the same patterns and agendas<br />
that had shaped politics since independence.<br />
Botswana, like several other countries in the Elite Cartels group, is a<br />
democracy with competitive elections, dominated by a core elite whose<br />
legitimate and illegitimate dealings maintain cooperation while controlling<br />
political competition. It would not be accurate to say that corruption<br />
has been ‘‘functional’’ for Botswana, even given its economic successes.<br />
Instead – as in Korea – corruption helped a paternalistic elite stay in<br />
power and pursue goals that were development-oriented. The stability<br />
and predictability that followed, along with considerable external backing,<br />
enabled Botswana to take advantage <strong>of</strong> liberalizing trends and opportunities<br />
in a way that many <strong>of</strong> its neighbors have not.<br />
Conclusion<br />
In thinking about Elite Cartel corruption, it is tempting to fall into two<br />
traps. The first is to conclude that it is a benign, or even beneficial, form <strong>of</strong><br />
corruption. The second, perhaps less likely, is to emphasize the relative<br />
simplicity <strong>of</strong> corrupt practices – ‘‘money politics’’ exchanges, for example,