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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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Elite Cartels 115<br />

Botswana: an Elite Cartel success story?<br />

Nowhere is the need to understand contrasting syndromes <strong>of</strong> corruption<br />

quite as urgent as in Africa. In the face <strong>of</strong> both continuing scandals and<br />

numerous proclamations <strong>of</strong> reform, and <strong>of</strong> the political and economic<br />

damage corruption can work, it is too easy to ignore qualitative contrasts<br />

(Boone, 2003, spells out many variations among African states and their<br />

relationships to society). Thus, we are <strong>of</strong>ten told that there is something<br />

distinctive about ‘‘African corruption’’ (<strong>of</strong>ten contrasted to Asian cases)<br />

and that there is an immense amount <strong>of</strong> it. The latter may well be true, but<br />

there are variations; the former, while an attractive ex post explanation for<br />

African troubles and Asian development (Sindzingre, 2005), is unproven.<br />

A look at Botswana’s Elite Cartel corruption, and at its relatively successful<br />

record <strong>of</strong> development and self-government over the past two generations,<br />

makes it clear that we need to re-examine both assertions.<br />

Cattle, diamonds, and tradition<br />

Botswana’s 1.6 million citizens are scattered across a dry but diamondrich<br />

land nearly the size <strong>of</strong> Texas. At independence in 1966 it was one <strong>of</strong><br />

the world’s ten poorest societies; in the decades since, however, it has<br />

consistently ranked among the fastest-growing economies (Good, 1992,<br />

1994; Danevad, 1995; Samatar and Oldfield, 1995; Tsie, 1996). Cattle<br />

and diamonds have enabled Botswana to climb into the middle-income<br />

ranks, and indeed the country has at times experienced social strains<br />

resulting from growth (Good, 1992: 69). Indices show that it is widely<br />

regarded as an African anti-corruption success story: while measurement<br />

issues are as intractable in Botswana as anywhere else, relatively effective<br />

state and social institutions apparently help keep the problem under<br />

control (Good, 1994). So do political loyalties <strong>of</strong> several sorts: leaders<br />

committed to national development (Rotberg, 2004: 15), with traditional<br />

roots in society but also drawn together by corrupt incentives, have been<br />

able to govern effectively.<br />

Botswana is <strong>of</strong> interest not so much because <strong>of</strong> its amount <strong>of</strong> corruption –<br />

although the country did experience some significant scandals in the<br />

early and mid-1990s – but rather because it illustrates both the Elite<br />

Cartels syndrome and a case that differs from typical images <strong>of</strong> Africa.<br />

<strong>Corruption</strong> in Botswana has helped interlink elites in the face <strong>of</strong><br />

increasing political competition and market activity, and in a setting <strong>of</strong><br />

only moderately strong institutions. That security, in turn, has helped a<br />

development-minded leadership produce rapid and sustained economic<br />

growth (Tsie, 1996), a pattern found in Korea. And like pre-tangentopoli

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