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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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104 <strong>Syndromes</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong><br />

Money politics is not the whole story <strong>of</strong> corruption in Korea: the<br />

country has more than its share <strong>of</strong> bureaucratic corruption (Kim Yong<br />

Jong, 1994, 1997), and bribery covering up shoddy construction<br />

practices contributed to the collapse <strong>of</strong> several large buildings and a<br />

major bridge in Seoul during the 1990s. Moreover, elite alliances have<br />

had their internal tensions, and as the country has changed they have<br />

evolved in important ways (Kim Joongi, 2002: 174). Since democratization<br />

began in 1987 political competition has intensified, but bureaucracies<br />

have remained only moderately effective and political parties and civil<br />

society have shown continuing weakness. Economic growth has created a<br />

business elite no longer content to be a junior partner, but has also been<br />

marked by crises – notably, but not only, in 1997. Still, the notion <strong>of</strong> Elite<br />

Cartels does help us understand the tenacity <strong>of</strong> Korea’s corruption and<br />

explains its role in the country’s development.<br />

An uncertain hegemony: origins and influences<br />

History, state, and society combined in Korea to produce regimes that<br />

until 1987 were authoritarian – at times, brutally so – yet faced continuing<br />

opposition, and an economy dominated by giant economic combines<br />

dependent for many years upon political patrons. Democratization<br />

brought an end to the worst repression, more meaningful elections, and<br />

the beginnings <strong>of</strong> strength in civil society; by 1997 an opposition<br />

candidate, Kim Dae Jung, won the presidency, and another peaceful<br />

handover <strong>of</strong> power took place after the 2002 race. Still, money politics<br />

continues, now in more competitive and costly ways, and in early 2004<br />

Korea was embroiled in a presidential impeachment controversy.<br />

Two historical influences, among many, stand out in this story. First,<br />

Japanese colonial rule during the first half <strong>of</strong> the twentieth century created a<br />

powerful, centralized, indeed ‘‘overdeveloped’’ state apparatus (Moran,<br />

1998: 163). Chalmers Johnson (1987: 137–138) has contrasted the ‘‘s<strong>of</strong>t<br />

authoritarian’’ style <strong>of</strong> post-war Japan with the ‘‘hard state’’ <strong>of</strong> predemocratic<br />

Korea – a view <strong>of</strong> Korea that still retains some relevance.<br />

State dominance under the Japanese substantially eroded the influence <strong>of</strong><br />

the landlord class (yangban), a process that was completed by wartime<br />

devastation and land reforms at mid-century. The Korea that emerged from<br />

the war had strikingly low levels <strong>of</strong> inequality – though at first it was the kind <strong>of</strong><br />

equality that results from pervasive poverty – and a kind <strong>of</strong> government<br />

without politics in which the state, confronted by few countervailing forces,<br />

ruled by domination rather than administrative capacity.<br />

Second, traditional attitudes including deference and a sense <strong>of</strong> duty<br />

toward higher powers fostered conformity, low levels <strong>of</strong> trust and civility,

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