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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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Elite Cartels 93<br />

lower than for the three cases considered in chapter 4. Too much should<br />

not be made <strong>of</strong> these measures by themselves, but in these societies elites<br />

face considerable political and economic competition within a weaker<br />

framework <strong>of</strong> institutions.<br />

Italy: politics visible and invisible<br />

Images <strong>of</strong> Italy and its politics have long been at odds with underlying<br />

realities. Its First Republic, lasting from the end <strong>of</strong> World War Two until<br />

the early 1990s, had over fifty governments, some <strong>of</strong> them short-lived,<br />

and yet there was considerable underlying stability. A broad, if sometimes<br />

shifting, coalition <strong>of</strong> parties led by the Christian Democrats (DC) held<br />

power throughout that era, with electoral results and a roster <strong>of</strong> top<br />

political figures that was remarkably consistent over time. A ‘‘weak but<br />

heavy’’ state 2 intervened extensively but incoherently in the economy<br />

(Colazingari and Rose-Ackerman, 1998: 448–449). Public administration<br />

was <strong>of</strong> very low quality (Golden, 2003); laws <strong>of</strong>ten had little moral or<br />

practical force, tax evasion was the rule rather than the exception, and<br />

successive governments ran up massive debts. Still, Italy rose from military<br />

defeat and traditional poverty to global economic importance by the<br />

1980s. In the Italian partitocrazia or ‘‘partitocracy’’ (Calise, 1994;<br />

Bufacchi and Burgess, 1998: 4–5) national parties dominated governments,<br />

policy, business, communications media, and much <strong>of</strong> civil<br />

society to a remarkable extent. But those parties were ineffective at such<br />

basic functions as selecting personnel for political roles, integrating citizens<br />

and their views into politics, and forming public policies (Della Porta<br />

and Vannucci, 1999, 2002). As the 1970s and 1980s wore on they<br />

became weaker as organizations too.<br />

<strong>Corruption</strong> too was a matter <strong>of</strong> appearance versus reality. That it was<br />

extensive was never in doubt; still, the revelations <strong>of</strong> the early 1990s, in<br />

the course <strong>of</strong> the tangentopoli (‘‘bribe city’’) scandal and mani pulite<br />

(‘‘clean hands’’) investigations, were on a scale few had anticipated. By<br />

the time the scandals broke, partitocrazia and the parties themselves had<br />

been ‘‘hollowed out’’ by corruption and organizational decline; revelations<br />

<strong>of</strong> bribery and kickbacks would discredit major business firms and<br />

executives too. In 1994 virtually the entire political class and party system<br />

<strong>of</strong> the First Republic were swept away by voters. But the particular kind <strong>of</strong><br />

corruption that had been practiced had given the First Republic much <strong>of</strong><br />

2 Thanks to Paul Heywood for suggesting that term.

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