CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
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From analysis to reform 203<br />
incumbents might benefit from a system in which they enjoy more public<br />
credibility. Whatever our choices the public must be educated in realistic<br />
terms as to what reforms can and cannot accomplish, and about citizens’<br />
own responsibilities in making the system work. Campaign finance legislation<br />
in the United States has <strong>of</strong>ten been accompanied by ringing promises<br />
<strong>of</strong> a new era <strong>of</strong> clean politics, raising expectations that give way to<br />
deeper cynicism when it becomes clear that fundamentally not much has<br />
changed.<br />
That, in turn, points to a deeper problem. Influence Market societies<br />
have checked corruption in part by legalizing the political role <strong>of</strong> wealth;<br />
their liberalized economies generally function well too, due in no small<br />
part to strong state institutional frameworks. But not surprisingly, the<br />
policies issuing from the political process favor monied interests in many<br />
ways. Whether or not such policies are sound, they may well be seen by<br />
many citizens as the results <strong>of</strong> unfair or corrupt influence: in democracies<br />
as elsewhere corruption issues are a tempting way to criticize a regime<br />
without directly challenging its power or claims to rule. Thus affluent<br />
market democracies, for all their accomplishments, may be disposed<br />
toward policies that will continually undermine the public credibility <strong>of</strong>,<br />
and participation in, politics.<br />
Influence Market countries need to look to their own problems in<br />
another sense too. Many <strong>of</strong> their most prominent businesses have historically<br />
been deeply involved in corruption elsewhere. Indeed, before the<br />
recent OECD treaty several affluent countries allowed firms not only to<br />
pay bribes abroad but to deduct them from their tax bills at home. The<br />
OECD treaty is a welcome change, as is a similar convention among the<br />
members <strong>of</strong> the Organization <strong>of</strong> American States, but global economic<br />
integration continues, as does contention among economic powers for<br />
export markets, while the push for liberalization may further weaken<br />
states vis-à-vis private wealth. As affluent countries and international<br />
organizations pursue reform they must look beyond trends in GDP per<br />
capita as measures <strong>of</strong> human wellbeing, and take care not to eviscerate the<br />
institutions <strong>of</strong> developing countries. They must also recognize the importance<br />
<strong>of</strong> open, competitive politics, not just as the means toward various<br />
development ends but as something immensely valuable in itself.<br />
Elite Cartels<br />
Elite Cartel cases have market economies and increasingly open politics,<br />
for the most part, but top figures <strong>of</strong>ten collude behind a façade <strong>of</strong> political<br />
competition and colonize both the state apparatus and sections <strong>of</strong> the<br />
economy. This corruption syndrome is not without its risks and costs, as