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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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From analysis to reform 203<br />

incumbents might benefit from a system in which they enjoy more public<br />

credibility. Whatever our choices the public must be educated in realistic<br />

terms as to what reforms can and cannot accomplish, and about citizens’<br />

own responsibilities in making the system work. Campaign finance legislation<br />

in the United States has <strong>of</strong>ten been accompanied by ringing promises<br />

<strong>of</strong> a new era <strong>of</strong> clean politics, raising expectations that give way to<br />

deeper cynicism when it becomes clear that fundamentally not much has<br />

changed.<br />

That, in turn, points to a deeper problem. Influence Market societies<br />

have checked corruption in part by legalizing the political role <strong>of</strong> wealth;<br />

their liberalized economies generally function well too, due in no small<br />

part to strong state institutional frameworks. But not surprisingly, the<br />

policies issuing from the political process favor monied interests in many<br />

ways. Whether or not such policies are sound, they may well be seen by<br />

many citizens as the results <strong>of</strong> unfair or corrupt influence: in democracies<br />

as elsewhere corruption issues are a tempting way to criticize a regime<br />

without directly challenging its power or claims to rule. Thus affluent<br />

market democracies, for all their accomplishments, may be disposed<br />

toward policies that will continually undermine the public credibility <strong>of</strong>,<br />

and participation in, politics.<br />

Influence Market countries need to look to their own problems in<br />

another sense too. Many <strong>of</strong> their most prominent businesses have historically<br />

been deeply involved in corruption elsewhere. Indeed, before the<br />

recent OECD treaty several affluent countries allowed firms not only to<br />

pay bribes abroad but to deduct them from their tax bills at home. The<br />

OECD treaty is a welcome change, as is a similar convention among the<br />

members <strong>of</strong> the Organization <strong>of</strong> American States, but global economic<br />

integration continues, as does contention among economic powers for<br />

export markets, while the push for liberalization may further weaken<br />

states vis-à-vis private wealth. As affluent countries and international<br />

organizations pursue reform they must look beyond trends in GDP per<br />

capita as measures <strong>of</strong> human wellbeing, and take care not to eviscerate the<br />

institutions <strong>of</strong> developing countries. They must also recognize the importance<br />

<strong>of</strong> open, competitive politics, not just as the means toward various<br />

development ends but as something immensely valuable in itself.<br />

Elite Cartels<br />

Elite Cartel cases have market economies and increasingly open politics,<br />

for the most part, but top figures <strong>of</strong>ten collude behind a façade <strong>of</strong> political<br />

competition and colonize both the state apparatus and sections <strong>of</strong> the<br />

economy. This corruption syndrome is not without its risks and costs, as

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