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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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The international setting 17<br />

All three <strong>of</strong> these developments are important concerns in this book.<br />

The broad trend toward economic liberalization, and the questions it<br />

raises about the role and soundness <strong>of</strong> state, political, and social institutions,<br />

will play a direct role in the process by which I define corruption<br />

syndromes and locate countries within them (chapter 3). The role <strong>of</strong><br />

some international businesses in the corruption problems <strong>of</strong> specific<br />

countries will become evident in several <strong>of</strong> the case studies to come<br />

(chapters 4–7). This chapter deals primarily with the third connection:<br />

the ways policy and analytical aspects <strong>of</strong> the consensus worldview have<br />

converged at a global level to influence both corruption and the ways<br />

we understand it. <strong>Corruption</strong> has come to be seen as both cause and effect<br />

<strong>of</strong> uneven or incomplete economic liberalization, and <strong>of</strong> an intrusive,<br />

ineffective state. Rank-ordering countries from high to low corruption<br />

effectively defines the problem as the same everywhere, and its scope and<br />

effects are judged primarily in economic terms. Reform is seen as moving<br />

societies toward a neoliberal ideal <strong>of</strong> market economics, and market-like<br />

political processes, facilitated by a lean, technically competent state that<br />

is little more than a kind <strong>of</strong> referee in the economic arena. Anti-corruption<br />

agendas thus tend to vary rather little from one country to the next.<br />

The problem is not that these ideas are utterly wrong: there are, as we<br />

shall see, good reasons to believe that corruption delays, distorts, and<br />

diverts economic and democratic development, and new data and scholarship<br />

have taught us a great deal. Rather, the difficulty is that the<br />

dominant worldview is incomplete: it diverts our attention from complex<br />

and contrasting underlying causes, and from qualitative differences in<br />

various societies’ experiences with corruption. At the level <strong>of</strong> reform<br />

much is said about fitting anti-corruption strategies to differing societies,<br />

but the most frequent approach is still to assemble ‘‘toolkits’’ <strong>of</strong> ideas that<br />

may have worked somewhere, while providing little guidance on what to<br />

do, and what not to do, in particular settings. This book cannot demolish<br />

the consensus worldview – indeed, in some respects it builds upon it.<br />

Rather, my goal is to change the ways we think about corruption, to<br />

increase our awareness <strong>of</strong> how and why it varies among and within<br />

societies, and to <strong>of</strong>fer a more realistic view about the challenges <strong>of</strong> reform.<br />

Consensus and its limitations<br />

Calling any state <strong>of</strong> opinion a ‘‘consensus’’ is inherently risky; indeed,<br />

ideas continue to evolve over issues such as the role <strong>of</strong> state institutions<br />

in development and reform. Still, it is striking how quickly past debates<br />

over corruption – so <strong>of</strong>ten hung up on definitions, divided over the<br />

question <strong>of</strong> effects, and mired in a paralyzing relativism – have given

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