CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
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From analysis to reform 193<br />
cannot yet track trends or assess reliability. While methodology is improving<br />
and underlying data bases are expanding, such indicators remain<br />
suggestive at best. The problems are particularly difficult with respect<br />
to changes in our cases: Mexico, I argue, has moved from Elite Cartel to<br />
Oligarch and Clan corruption, for example, while Italy, Japan, Korea, the<br />
Philippines, and Indonesia have undergone political changes <strong>of</strong> varying<br />
types and magnitudes, and in some cases it is not clear whether a given<br />
syndrome should be discussed in present or past tense. Other cases, such<br />
as Russia, might be said to be in continuing crisis, and generalizations<br />
about its politics, economy, and corruption show their age very quickly.<br />
Yet the data at hand cover only limited time spans and are gathered at<br />
intervals ranging from one to five years. I cannot yet say how the clusters<br />
have evolved, or what time lags might occur between crises and qualitative<br />
changes in corruption in specific cases. Better answers must await the<br />
publication <strong>of</strong> longer data series, the observation <strong>of</strong> more systemic<br />
changes, and continued refinement <strong>of</strong> this analysis.<br />
In this book I have tried to deal with data problems in two ways. One is to<br />
emphasize construct validity – that is, the extent to which various measures<br />
are related to each other in theoretically expected ways, and in particular to<br />
data in which we have high levels <strong>of</strong> confidence (Adcock and Collier, 2001;<br />
Babbie, 2001: 143–144). In chapter 3 the four groups are defined using a<br />
cluster analysis <strong>of</strong> six indicators and then compared in terms <strong>of</strong> a range <strong>of</strong><br />
other statistical data (Tables A– C in the Appendix). Then, in chapters 4<br />
through 7 they are compared again using qualitative accounts <strong>of</strong> corruption<br />
issues. The results are generally consistent with the basic typology and<br />
hypotheses. Second, the statistics are used to frame questions rather than<br />
answers: the cluster analysis is primarily a way to define groups for study<br />
while reducing the likelihood <strong>of</strong> pre-selecting for expected results. Those<br />
cases do suggest that an understanding <strong>of</strong> trends and contrasts in participation<br />
and institutions helps identify contrasting syndromes <strong>of</strong> corruption.<br />
The challenge now is to improve the statistical evidence, to develop models<br />
giving a clearer indication <strong>of</strong> the relationships and priority among variables,<br />
and to continue to develop richer case studies, particularly in less frequently<br />
analyzed countries. Such research might yield more or fewer<br />
categories, and will certainly change our understanding <strong>of</strong> the corruption<br />
found within each, but it would fuel the comparative debate this book is<br />
intended to encourage.<br />
Relationships among the groups<br />
A final question is both methodological and substantive. We have arrived<br />
at categories that, broadly speaking, illustrate important contrasts both