CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
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160 <strong>Syndromes</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong><br />
terms <strong>of</strong> both scope and the size <strong>of</strong> stakes involved (Hao and Johnston,<br />
1995). Also controlled were basic ideas about what corruption was and<br />
what caused it: in the <strong>of</strong>ficial view it was a problem <strong>of</strong> surviving feudal<br />
traditions and bourgeois values, or <strong>of</strong> individual deviance. Anti-corruption<br />
strategy emphasized well-publicized trials and punishments, political<br />
and ideological discipline efforts, and periodic mass campaigns.<br />
Examples <strong>of</strong> the latter included the ‘‘Three Antis’’ (corruption, waste,<br />
and bureaucracy) and ‘‘Five Antis’’ movements (bribery, tax evasion,<br />
theft <strong>of</strong> state property, cheating on government contracts, and stealing<br />
economic information) <strong>of</strong> the early 1950s, and the ‘‘Four Cleans’’ campaign<br />
(work groups’ management <strong>of</strong> collective property) a decade later<br />
(Hao and Johnston, 2002).<br />
Strong economy, weak institutions<br />
In 1978 Deng Xiaoping’s government launched the market-oriented<br />
reforms that have touched <strong>of</strong>f an economic boom and set the stage for<br />
rapid growth <strong>of</strong> corruption (Gong, 1994; Goldman and MacFarquhar,<br />
1999; Sun, 2004; Wong, 2004). Centrally planned and controlled prices<br />
and decisions were partially replaced by arrangements allowing goods to<br />
be sold more or less freely once planned criteria had been met. Many<br />
collective work groups were replaced by a ‘‘household responsibility<br />
system’’ and small family-owned businesses were permitted as well.<br />
Some central government subsidies were recast as loans; regional and<br />
local <strong>of</strong>ficials acquired more autonomy, both <strong>of</strong>ficial and otherwise.<br />
Managers could now make personnel and production decisions, and<br />
were free to retain a significant share <strong>of</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>its for their firms. Some<br />
functionaries resisted reform, fearing threats to their status and jobs.<br />
But most benefited from the increased discretion and economic opportunities<br />
it brought them. The national economy was opened to foreign<br />
trade and investment – although contract enforcement and transparency<br />
have yet to approach international standards – and exports became a top<br />
priority. More recently stock markets have been established, and a<br />
scheme was proposed under which citizens would in effect become shareholders<br />
in state enterprises.<br />
But economic reform was also notable for what it did not do.<br />
Distinctions between public and private realms were never particularly<br />
meaningful in pre-reform China, and economic norms were bureaucratic,<br />
political, and therefore ill-suited to markets. Reform, when it<br />
came, fragmented the Leninist party-state but did not build the oversight<br />
and facilitating institutions open markets require. Official pr<strong>of</strong>iteering<br />
(guandao) became a major problem, taking on various forms such as