CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
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166 <strong>Syndromes</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong><br />
egregious <strong>of</strong>fenses – economic, political, or both. Such abuses might well<br />
attract extreme penalties in any event but the party-state, having relatively<br />
few opportunities to win credibility for anti-corruption decrees, <strong>of</strong>ten seeks<br />
the maximum demonstration effects possible.<br />
The party: leaders in search <strong>of</strong> a following<br />
It was the Communist Party that founded the People’s Republic and<br />
provided such discipline and coherence as it possessed for its first thirty<br />
years. Ideological direction, political education, and thought-reform<br />
extended downward into work groups and neighborhoods. Since at<br />
least the 1980s, however, the party has been beset by organizational rot.<br />
Lü Xiaobo characterizes that process as ‘‘involution’’: the failure <strong>of</strong> the<br />
party either to transform itself into a rationalized administrative regime or<br />
to sustain its revolutionary strengths. Caught in that contradiction, cadres<br />
fall back upon traditional practices and norms (Lü, 2000: 22) or just go<br />
through the motions. Older and more personal modes <strong>of</strong> getting things<br />
done – notably kinship and the web <strong>of</strong> ties and reciprocities known as<br />
guanxi – resurface, at times in updated forms (Kipnis, 1997; Gold,<br />
Gut hrie, and Wa nk, 2002 ; Ku, 2003 ; Peng, 2004) . Party le aders have<br />
r esponded w ith per io dic d iscipline camp aig ns, but they failed to r e-ener giz<br />
cadre commitm ents or local organizati on. A recent self-e valuation concluded<br />
that half <strong>of</strong> the party’s rural cells were ‘‘weak’’ or ‘‘paralyzed’’;<br />
meanwhile, the party presence within new business organizations is nearly<br />
non-existent (Pei, 2002). Part <strong>of</strong> the problem is that the party attempts to<br />
perform irreconcilable roles: Gong argues that ideological purity conflicts<br />
with the practicalities <strong>of</strong> governing, particularly during an era <strong>of</strong> reform<br />
and rapid change; the party’s need for discipline inhibits the development<br />
<strong>of</strong> an autonomous and effective bureaucracy; and political goals conflict<br />
with effective policy implementation. In the end party and state elites<br />
‘‘become an elite group in itself and for itself’’ (Gong, 1994: xviii-xix, and<br />
ch. 8) – a good working definition <strong>of</strong> Official Mogul corruption.<br />
<strong>Corruption</strong> is just one <strong>of</strong> China’s problems, but it is a particularly<br />
critical one – not just because <strong>of</strong> its scope, which no one knows with<br />
any precision, but because it takes a particularly damaging form. Official<br />
Mogul corruption is symptomatic <strong>of</strong> deeper problems that raise real<br />
doubts about whether China, over the middle to long term, can be<br />
governed at all. Pei (2002) suggests China may be approaching a governability<br />
crisis in which the administrative shortcomings <strong>of</strong> a ‘‘feeble state’’<br />
are compounded by a deteriorating party unable to deal with the changes<br />
it has unleashed. The party-state’s response, so far, has been to avoid<br />
political liberalization. Over the short term that strategy maintains party