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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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50 <strong>Syndromes</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Corruption</strong><br />

than we would wish. Moreover, not all sorts <strong>of</strong> indicators have been<br />

gathered in comparable ways over the same periods <strong>of</strong> time. Thus, the<br />

analysis that follows involves unavoidable compromises. For trends in<br />

political participation I turned to the Polity IV dataset, 2 which features a<br />

composite Polity indicator ranging from plus ten (‘‘strongly democratic’’)<br />

to minus ten (‘‘strongly autocratic’’). Using 1992 as a baseline allows the<br />

inclusion <strong>of</strong> many post-communist states, and 2001 will be the end date<br />

because that is consistent with the most recent data available on several<br />

other indicators to be considered. On the economic side I used 1990 and<br />

2001 scores from the Economic Freedom in the World (EFW) index<br />

compiled by the Fraser Institute, 3 which ranges from zero to ten and<br />

assigns higher scores to economies rated as more free. There are no EFW<br />

scores available for the years between 1990 and 1995, nor do other<br />

indicators <strong>of</strong> liberalization fill that gap; using 1990 as a beginning point<br />

still includes some post-communist states in the analysis.<br />

Institutional quality is also a complex issue, and has only been estimated<br />

quantitatively more recently. Institutions include not just the <strong>of</strong>ficial state<br />

apparatus and political bodies but also a wider range <strong>of</strong> institutions that<br />

affect an economy. Fortunately, on the political side, an excellent composite<br />

measure <strong>of</strong> ‘‘institutional and social capacity,’’ touching upon both<br />

state and civil society, is included in the World Economic Forum’s 2002<br />

Environmental Sustainability Index. 4 This index, drawing upon data from<br />

as late as 2001 but not yet available as a time series, rates countries from<br />

zero to one hundred in terms <strong>of</strong> institutional and civil-society capacity to<br />

debate and address public policy issues. As a proxy for the quality <strong>of</strong><br />

economic institutions I used the index <strong>of</strong> the security <strong>of</strong> property rights<br />

compiled by the Heritage Foundation for the year 2002; 5 it ranges from<br />

one to five, giving lower scores where property rights are more secure.<br />

Secure property rights depend upon a range <strong>of</strong> institutions and policies;<br />

thus, while this index scarcely measures all aspects <strong>of</strong> the economic system<br />

it should reflect the soundness <strong>of</strong> the overall framework.<br />

Results <strong>of</strong> a cluster analysis that employed these variables to search for<br />

four groups <strong>of</strong> countries appear in Table 3.2.<br />

2 Data and codebook available at http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/inscr/polity/polreg.htm; the<br />

data employed were from the revised 2002 version <strong>of</strong> the dataset.<br />

3 Data available at http://www.freetheworld.com/.<br />

4 World Economic Forum, Yale Center for Environmental Law and Policy, and CIESIN<br />

(Columbia University), 2002 Environmental Sustainability Index (http://www.ciesin.<br />

columbia.edu/), February, 2002.<br />

5 The 2002 data were taken as indicative <strong>of</strong> conditions for our end-date year <strong>of</strong> 2001, as<br />

the Heritage Foundation gathers data and publishes its index for the coming year: for<br />

example, the 2003 index was published in the Fall <strong>of</strong> 2002. See http://www.heritage.org/.

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