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CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption

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The international setting 25<br />

and bureaucratic discretion is put up for rent due process, civil liberties, and<br />

basic rights are endangered, and <strong>of</strong>ficial policies become a sham. In both<br />

instances benefits and advantages are likely to flow to the few and the wellconnected<br />

while costs are extracted from society at large – ultimately, from<br />

the poor and powerless most <strong>of</strong> all. Other effects are intangible, collective,<br />

and long-term in nature: where corrupt connections guide decisionmaking,<br />

democratic values and participation become irrelevant and opportunities<br />

are denied to many who need them most. At times petty benefits<br />

flow to poor people or ordinary citizens: Palermo’s local politicians sometimes<br />

gave voters one shoe before an election, and its mate afterwards if<br />

the ballot had been cast as expected (Chubb, 1981). But those short-term<br />

incentives come at a long-term cost: they are given not for their own sake<br />

but to maintain control, and accepting them means forgoing political<br />

choices. Such costs are no less real for being difficult to measure.<br />

From corrupt deals to systemic effects<br />

How do the costs <strong>of</strong> specific corrupt deals become so harmful to development?<br />

Consider, in light <strong>of</strong> the ideal sketched out in chapter 1, the wellknown<br />

formulation proposed by Klitgaard (1988: 75):<br />

<strong>Corruption</strong> equals Monopoly plus Discretion, minus<br />

Accountability.<br />

Klitgaard uses this formulation to identify and analyze situations conducive<br />

to bureaucratic corruption. Officials can use the prospect <strong>of</strong> lucrative<br />

contracts to extract corrupt payments, for example, if they can exploit a<br />

monopoly – power to award contracts not available elsewhere – and<br />

discretion – the ability to choose among bidders. A lack <strong>of</strong> accountability<br />

means that there is little to prevent exploitation and no recourse for the<br />

losers. Bidders who pay the bribes likewise short-circuit competitive<br />

bidding, reward the corrupt use <strong>of</strong> discretion, and subvert transparent,<br />

accountable procedures. Klitgaard’s equation is not intended to explain<br />

why particular individuals do or do not become corrupt, or how a specific<br />

client will respond to corrupt demands or opportunities. It does a better<br />

job <strong>of</strong> explaining bureaucratic corruption, and bribery, than other varieties.<br />

It is, however, a very useful model <strong>of</strong> situations most likely to foster<br />

corruption (see also Rose-Ackerman, 1978; Della Porta and Vannucci,<br />

1999; Della Porta and Rose-Ackerman, 2002).<br />

For our purposes Klitgaard also shows how corruption and its underlying<br />

dynamics subvert structured, competitive participation and sound<br />

institutions. Monopolies by definition disrupt competition and, when<br />

combined with discretion, encourage rigged processes rewarding

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