CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
CORRUPTION Syndromes of Corruption
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Influence Markets 61<br />
disillusionment that can result, are pressing corruption issues in most<br />
Influence Market systems. So is a lack <strong>of</strong> political competition – among<br />
parties, or between incumbents and challengers. Even where economic<br />
effects appear to be modest, Influence Market corruption can undermine<br />
the vitality and competitiveness <strong>of</strong> political life.<br />
Three market democracies<br />
Japan, Germany, and the United States are three <strong>of</strong> the world’s wealthiest<br />
and strongest democracies. Their powerful corporations, the global reach <strong>of</strong><br />
their policies, and the roles their banks and markets play in safeguarding<br />
(and at times laundering) the proceeds <strong>of</strong> corrupt dealings elsewhere all have<br />
major implications for our other three groups <strong>of</strong> countries. Much the same is<br />
true in terms <strong>of</strong> reform: the United States in particular advocates standards<br />
that, for better or worse, dominate the international anti-corruption agenda.<br />
All have experienced major scandals during recent decades, ranging from<br />
Watergate in the United States to Germany’s Flick and Elf/Acquitaine<br />
cases, to the Lockheed, Recruit, and Sagawa Trucking episodes in Japan.<br />
Still, in none <strong>of</strong> the three has corruption threatened basic political or<br />
economic arrangements. Major scandals in Japan led to a political shakeup<br />
in the early 1990s, temporarily ending Liberal Democrat Party (LDP)<br />
dominance and bringing new campaign styles, changed relationships<br />
between politicians and bureaucrats, and legal efforts to regulate ‘‘money<br />
politics.’’ In most respects, however, politics and policymaking in contemporary<br />
Japan continue as before. What is distinctive about these systems is<br />
notthattheyhaveavoidedcorruption–theyhavenot–butratherthat<br />
strong institutions, together with long-liberalized politics and economies,<br />
influence the form corruption takes and enable them to withstand its effects.<br />
These broad characterizations are reinforced by table 4.1, which presents<br />
many <strong>of</strong> the statistical indicators discussed in chapter 3.InGermany,Japan,<br />
and the US political and market liberalization are a fait accompli; while the<br />
data suggest some pulling back on the economic side, property rights are<br />
secure, intervention in the economy is selective, and <strong>of</strong>ficials are generally<br />
held accountable. All three countries have high scores on institutional and<br />
social capacity and overall development. Japan ranks somewhat lower than<br />
Germany and the US (but still well above the median) in terms <strong>of</strong> government<br />
effectiveness and regulatory quality. It is rated as having somewhat<br />
more corruption, and less effective controls, than Germany and the US,<br />
though again all three countries compare very favorably to the medians.<br />
How valid are the corruption comparisons? It is hard to say: index scores<br />
are approximations at best. Many Japanese scandals take place at the peaks<br />
<strong>of</strong> a centralized political system and closely watched economy and are thus