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Conference Proceedings - School of Nursing & Midwifery - Trinity ...

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<strong>School</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Nursing</strong> & <strong>Midwifery</strong>, <strong>Trinity</strong> College Dublin: 8 th Annual Interdisciplinary Research <strong>Conference</strong><br />

Transforming Healthcare Through Research, Education & Technology: 7 th – 9 th November 2007<br />

<strong>Conference</strong> <strong>Proceedings</strong><br />

Socio-demographic Factors<br />

The relationship between the syndrome and socio-demographic<br />

factors such as age, educational level, social class, number <strong>of</strong><br />

previous children and planned or unplanned pregnancy all show<br />

inconsistent findings with ethnicity being the only exception. Brown<br />

(1983) confirmed a greater presence <strong>of</strong> the syndrome in men<br />

younger than thirty years old, while Bogren (1989) found it was<br />

more common among those older than thirty <strong>of</strong> a higher<br />

educational level and social class while Munroe and Munroe (1971,<br />

1973); Trethowan in Howells (1972); Lipkin and Lamb (1982) all<br />

indicate a greater prevalence <strong>of</strong> the syndrome among those with<br />

lower education. Strickland (1987) reported that working class men<br />

experienced a significantly higher number <strong>of</strong> somatic and<br />

psychological symptoms compared to those who were middle class.<br />

Clinton (1986) refutes the findings <strong>of</strong> age and educational level as<br />

correlates <strong>of</strong> the syndrome. Ethnicity consistently shows a higher<br />

incidence <strong>of</strong> the syndrome among black men (Taylor, 1951, Munroe<br />

and Munroe, 1971, Munroe et al, 1973, Clinton, 1986). These<br />

disparate findings might be explained by problems <strong>of</strong> sample size<br />

variation, cultural and age differences across studies, socioeconomic<br />

class variability, and geographical distributions.<br />

Theoretical Perspectives<br />

A plethora <strong>of</strong> theories have been <strong>of</strong>fered to account for the origins<br />

<strong>of</strong> the Couvade Syndrome. Psychoanalytical theories propose that it<br />

emanates from the man’s envy <strong>of</strong> the woman’s procreative ability<br />

(Bohem 1930; Van Leeuwen 1965; Os<strong>of</strong>sky and Culp in Cath et al<br />

1989; and Rapheal-Leff, 1991). Another psychoanalytical<br />

perspective maintains that pregnancy for the expectant man acts as<br />

a catalyst for the emergence <strong>of</strong> ambivalence and resurgence <strong>of</strong><br />

Oedipal conflicts (Gerzi and Berman 1981; Os<strong>of</strong>sky, and Culp in<br />

Cath et al 1989). Others propose that the syndrome arises because<br />

<strong>of</strong> the man’s rivalry with his unborn child (Malthie et al 1980; Mayer<br />

and Kapfhammer 1993), (Mayer and Kapfhammer in Brahler and<br />

Unger 1996). Psychosocial theories argue it occurs as a reactive<br />

process to the marginalisation <strong>of</strong> fatherhood (Clinton, 1986; Mayer<br />

and Kapfhammer, 1993). However the feminist perspective rejects<br />

this arguing instead for the increased and active participation <strong>of</strong><br />

men in pregnancy and the birthing process (Clinton 1986; Jordan,<br />

1990; Scopesi and Repetto 1990; Klein 1991; Masoni et al 1994;<br />

Polomeno, 1998). Another psychosocial theory proposes that the<br />

syndrome is a consequence <strong>of</strong> men’s transitional crisis to<br />

parenthood (Jordan 1990; Imle 1990; Klein 1991; Polomeno,<br />

1998). Paternal Involvement theories argue for a relationship<br />

between men’s involvement in the pregnancy, role preparation and<br />

the syndrome (Weaver and Cranley 1983; Clinton 1987;<br />

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