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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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and a Maccabi movement. An old-age home supported<br />

by Jewish agencies outside Spain is maintained. The University<br />

of Barcelona offers courses in Jewish studies. Together<br />

with leaders of the Madrid community, Barcelona community<br />

heads were received in 1965 by General Franco, the first<br />

meeting between a Spanish head of state and Jewish leaders<br />

since 1492.<br />

Bibliography: J. Fiter <strong>In</strong>gles, Expulsíon de los judios de<br />

Barcelona (1876); Loeb, in: REJ, 4 (1882), 57–77; F. de Bofarull y Sans,<br />

Los judíos en el territorio de Barcelona (1910); J. Miret y Sans and M.<br />

Schwab, Documents de juifs Catalans des XIe, XIIe et XIIe siécles (1915),<br />

191; idem, in: Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia, 69 (1916),<br />

569–82; Baer, Urkunden, 1 pt. 1 (1929), index; Prevosti, in: Sefarad, 10<br />

(1951), 75–90; A. López de Meneses, in: Estudios de Edad Media de la<br />

Corona de Aragón, 5 (1952), 677; idem, in: Sefarad, 19 (1959), 97–106,<br />

323ff.; Madurell y Marimón, ibid., 16 (1956), 369–98; 17 (1957), 73–102;<br />

18 (1958), 60–82; 21 (1961), 300–38; 22 (1962), 345–72; 23 (1963), 74–104;<br />

25 (1965), 247–82; 27 (1967), 290–8; Baron, Social2, 4 (1957), 34, 249,<br />

notes 37f.; Cardoner, in: Sefarad, 22 (1962), 373–5; Suárez Fernández,<br />

Documentos, index; Baer, Spain, index; Millás Vallicrosa, in: Sefarad,<br />

27 (1967), 64–70. Add. Bibliography: J. Shatzmiller, in: Meḥkarim<br />

be-Toledot Am Yisrael, 3 (1980), 121–37; J-L. Palos, in: L’Aven, 47 (1982),<br />

21–31; L. Feldman, in: Genuzot, 1 (1984), 67–98; D. Abulafia, in: Viator,<br />

16 (1985), 209–42; D. Romano, in: G. Dahan (ed.), Les juifs au regard<br />

de l’histoire, (1985), 195–99; E. Lourie, in: Mediterranean Historical Review<br />

I (1986), 187–220; E. Feliu i Mabres, in: Calls, 2 (1987), 145–79; Y.<br />

Assis, in: Galut aḥar Golah (1988), 257–83; idem, in: Jornades d’história<br />

dels jueus a Catalunya (1987), Actes, (1990), 77–92; M. Cinta Mañé,<br />

The Jews in Barcelona, 1213–1291; Y Assis (ed.), Regesta of Documents<br />

from the Archivo Capitular (1988); Y. Assis, The Golden Age of Aragonese<br />

Jewry (1997), index, S. V. Barcelona; idem, Jewish Economy in<br />

the Medieval Crown of Aragon, (1997), index, S.V. Barcelona. MODERN<br />

PERIOD: M. Fernández Matorell, Estudio antropológico: una comunidad<br />

judía (1984); M. Berthlot, Historia oral de la comunidad israelita<br />

de Barcelona (Barcelona 1914–1954) (2001).<br />

[Zvi Avneri and Haim Beinart / Yom Tov Assis (2nd ed.)]<br />

BARCELONA, DISPUTATION OF, religious disputation<br />

between Jews and Christians in 1263. The apostate Paulus<br />

[Pablo] *Christiani proposed to King James I of Aragon<br />

that a formal public religious disputation on the fundamentals<br />

of faith should be held between him and R. Moses b.<br />

Naḥman (*Naḥmanides) whom he had already encountered<br />

in *Gerona. The disputation took place with the support of the<br />

ecclesiastical authorities and the generals of the Dominican<br />

and Franciscan orders, while the king presided over a number<br />

of sessions and took an active part in the disputation. The<br />

Dominicans *Raymond de Peñaforte, Raymond *Martini, and<br />

Arnold de Segarra, and the general of the Franciscan order<br />

in the kingdom, Peter de Janua, were among the Christian<br />

disputants. The single representative for the Jewish side was<br />

Naḥmanides. The four sessions of the disputation took place<br />

on July 20, 27, 30, and 31, 1263 (according to another calculation,<br />

July 20, 23, 26, and 27). Naḥmanides was guaranteed<br />

complete freedom of speech in the debate; he took full advantage<br />

of the opportunity thus afforded and spoke with remarkable<br />

frankness. Two accounts of the disputation, one in He-<br />

barcelona, disputation of<br />

brew written by Naḥmanides and a shorter one in Latin, are<br />

the main sources for the history of this important episode in<br />

Judeo-Christian polemics. According to both sources the initiative<br />

for the disputation and its agenda were imposed by the<br />

Christian side, although the Hebrew account tries to suggest<br />

a greater involvement of Naḥmanides in finalizing the items<br />

to be discussed. The initiative in the debate remained on the<br />

Christian side throughout.<br />

Basing himself on the Talmud as a whole, and in particular<br />

on the aggadic and homiletical passages, the Christian<br />

contestant sought to prove three points: that the Messiah had<br />

already appeared; that he was “both human and divine,” and<br />

had died to atone for the sins of mankind; and that, in consequence,<br />

the precepts of Judaism had lost their validity. Against<br />

this Naḥmanides argued that the literal meaning of the passages<br />

quoted from the Talmud do not admit this christological<br />

interpretation. On the question of aggadah he claimed that<br />

the homiletical passages in the Talmud are not obligatory for<br />

Jews. Rabbis and eminent scholars, such as Yitzhak Baer, H.H.<br />

Ben-Sasson, and Martin Cohen maintained that Naḥmanides’<br />

claim was purely political, put forward in a disputation that<br />

had been imposed on him, so that he even had to use arguments<br />

in which he did not believe in order to overcome the<br />

Christian attack. Other scholars, such as Cecil Roth and Robert<br />

Chazan, expressed a more moderate opinion. Chavel, H.<br />

Maccoby, and B. Septimus suggested that Naḥmanides’ view<br />

was fully compatible with a well-established Jewish tradition.<br />

Marvin Fox argues that this latter attitude is based on a complete<br />

misunderstanding of Naḥmanides’ views and beliefs as<br />

they are found so clearly throughout his commentary on the<br />

<strong>Torah</strong> and that Nahmanides’ view follows a Jewish tradition<br />

that, though paying full respect to the midrashic commentaries,<br />

does not accept them as necessarily binding, and avows<br />

that the main issue between Judaism and Christianity does not<br />

depend on belief in the Messiah. Naḥmanides even went on to<br />

attack the illogicality in Christian dogma concerning the nature<br />

of the Divinity. Some of his utterances hint at the future<br />

destruction of Christendom. He referred slightingly to the fate<br />

of Jesus, who was persecuted in his own lifetime and hid from<br />

his pursuers. Rome, which had been a mighty empire before<br />

Jesus lived, declined after adopting Christianity, “and now<br />

the servants of Muhammad have a greater realm than they.”<br />

Naḥmanides also made the point that “from the time of Jesus<br />

until the present the world has been filled with violence and<br />

injustice, and the Christians have shed more blood than all<br />

other peoples.” He similarly attacked the whole concept of the<br />

combination of human and divine attributes in Jesus.<br />

A number of ecclesiastics who saw the turn the disputation<br />

was taking urged that it should be ended as speedily as<br />

possible. It was, therefore, never formally concluded, but interrupted.<br />

According to the Latin record of the proceedings,<br />

the disputation ended because Naḥmanides fled prematurely<br />

from the city. <strong>In</strong> fact, however, he stayed on in Barcelona for<br />

over a week after the disputation had been suspended in order<br />

to be present in the synagogue on the following Sabbath when<br />

ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 3 145

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