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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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ible<br />

appear to be increasingly corrected: its disregard of cult and<br />

ritual, and its tendency to view “<strong>Torah</strong>” as essentially legalistic,<br />

and less worthy an object of study than the more “spiritual”<br />

parts of the Bible.<br />

Archaeological Evidence<br />

The contributions of archaeology, beyond those already mentioned,<br />

are especially significant in the area of lexicography<br />

and textual criticism. <strong>In</strong> general, the literary finds discovered<br />

since 1929 at Ras Shamra (the ancient *Ugarit destroyed in<br />

the 12th century B.C.E.) on the northern Phoenician coast are<br />

easily the most important for biblical studies. Here in three<br />

major epics and much other literature in the *Ugaritic language,<br />

there are not only classical versions of the paganism<br />

which was Yahwism’s major competitor, but also the “language<br />

of Canaan” as it was spoken at a time and place not too far<br />

removed from “biblical Hebrew” (i.e., mostly, the pre-Exilic<br />

dialect of Jerusalem). As a result, all sorts of obscurities in the<br />

older biblical text (e.g., Ex. 15, Judg. 5, etc.) can be clarified, as<br />

well as many features in even younger texts where tradition<br />

apparently transmitted the consonantal text faithfully, but using<br />

idioms which the masoretes or other later commentators<br />

no longer understood (e.g., an “enclitic mem,” various meanings<br />

of lamed, etc.)<br />

H.L. *Ginsberg was among the earliest to recognize and<br />

explore the potential of Ugaritic for biblical research and many<br />

others have followed suit. It is now clear that ancient Israel<br />

was heir to old poetic traditions of Syria-Palestine. The central<br />

Syrian city of *Emar, which only began to be unearthed<br />

in 1972, has yielded much important comparative material<br />

relating to Israelite religion. Biblicists have likewise benefited<br />

greatly from having access to the documents published in the<br />

ongoing Finnish series State Archives of Assyria (1987ff).<br />

The *Dead Sea Scrolls have been of great importance<br />

for an understanding of the complexities of the Judaism of<br />

the times as well as of the origins of Christianity. For the Old<br />

Testament, however, their significance is largely limited to<br />

the field of textual criticism – where their influence has been<br />

nearly revolutionary. Above all, since the oldest manuscripts<br />

previously known had been nearly a millennium younger, the<br />

Qumran scrolls eliminated with one stroke much of the great<br />

skepticism which had previously reigned in some quarters<br />

concerning the age and reliability of the texts. At the same<br />

time, the variation in detail in some of the Hebrew manuscripts<br />

showed that no absolutely standardized and uniform<br />

text had been fixed at the beginning of the Christian era.<br />

Even more significant, in a way, was the discovery of Hebrew<br />

manuscripts in recensions agreeing with the Septuagint<br />

and the Samaritan Pentateuch. <strong>In</strong> the past, the pendulum had<br />

swung from one extreme to another in the comparative evaluation<br />

of the Hebrew text and the versions; in general, “Wellhausenianism,”<br />

true to its anti-traditional stance in general,<br />

had preferred the versions, while some later correctives discounted<br />

them almost entirely. Now it increasingly became<br />

plain that all three streams had equally ancient roots, that<br />

no a priori preferences could be maintained in favor of any<br />

of the three, and that, in all likelihood, the original tradition<br />

was richer than any one of its three major later derivatives.<br />

That is, in contrast to much of the textual criticism of the 19th<br />

century which attempted, often on the basis of highly subjective<br />

assumptions, to eliminate all the later additions and restore<br />

the original “pure” text, it now seems likely that the text<br />

has suffered more from losses than from glosses. Apparently,<br />

as an official rabbinic or masoretic text gradually came into<br />

existence around the beginning of the Christian era, at least<br />

three major attempts to revise the Septuagint in conformity<br />

with it can be traced. (See F.M. Cross, “The Contribution of<br />

the Qumran Discoveries to the Study of the Biblical Text,” in<br />

IEJ, 16 (1966), 81ff.; E. Tov, Textual Criticism of the Hebrew<br />

Bible (2001).<br />

[Horace D. Hummel / S. David Sperling (2nd ed.)]<br />

Developments in the 1970s<br />

Bible research and criticism was actively pursued in the 1970s.<br />

Yet, despite the intensive discussions and new publications,<br />

it is often difficult to discern new major trends, motifs, or<br />

“schools.”<br />

This situation is partly the result of the passing from the<br />

scene of many of the great pacesetters of the previous generation<br />

(e.g., Albright, Wright, Mowinckel) without obvious<br />

successors; partly the increasing specialization of a burgeoning<br />

discipline, and partly, apparently, a reflection of the<br />

increasing fragmentation of much Western thought in general.<br />

Certainly in the United States, the proliferation of departments<br />

of religion at universities has been a major catalyst<br />

in the change.<br />

The period witnessed frontal attacks on historical critical<br />

method, not only from traditionalist circles, but even from<br />

within the ranks themselves. Often it is a matter of semantics,<br />

but the challenge nonetheless bears witness to the intensity of<br />

the ferment. Thus, W. Wink (The Bible in Human Transformation,<br />

1973) decries the objectivism of much biblical study, and<br />

proposes paying more attention to the interpreter’s subjectivity.<br />

With that new approach, “liberation theology,” the feminist<br />

movement, and other contemporary sociopolitical trends have<br />

left their mark. Most, however, do not think so much of abandoning<br />

the “method” as of perfecting it somehow.<br />

Although source-critical investigations of a more or less<br />

classical type certainly continue, together with it there have<br />

appeared massive assaults on the classical results. R. Rendtorff<br />

(Das Überlieferungsgeschichtliche Problem des Pentateuch,<br />

1977) attacks the traditional documentary hypothesis, and regards<br />

the Pentateuch as formed by the linking together of selfcontained<br />

units which developed independently of each other.<br />

Among the less radical, the centrality of the “Deuteronomists”<br />

has generally become more axiomatic and pivotal than ever,<br />

so much so that some complain of a “pan-Deuteronomism”;<br />

cf. E. Nicholson Preaching to the Exiles (1970), M. Weinfeld<br />

(Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School, 1972) makes those<br />

circles the redactors of the Priestly document, but in other<br />

652 ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 3

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