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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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and 15th centuries the Beta Israel were politically divided and<br />

geographically dispersed.<br />

The recognition of this reality has several important consequences<br />

for the interpretation of Beta Israel history. Firstly,<br />

it serves as a caution against attempts to artificially impose<br />

unity on the sources by treating scattered events in specific<br />

regions as if they affected all Beta Israel. The Christian Emperor<br />

Yeshaq’s (r. 1413–1430) victory over the Beta Israel governor<br />

of Semien and Dambiya was not, for example, a defeat<br />

for all Beta Israel. Some were allies of the Emperor and benefited<br />

from his victory. <strong>In</strong> a similar fashion, the reported conversion<br />

to Christianity of much of the population of Salamt<br />

province by the 15th-century Christian missionary St. Takla<br />

Hawaryat must be evaluated in its proper geographic context.<br />

His successes in that region left the population of Semien at<br />

least temporarily untouched.<br />

A recognition of the decentralized character of Beta<br />

Israel society during this period is also of crucial importance<br />

to the proper understanding of the dynamics of Beta Israel<br />

political history. If one accepts the existence of an ancient<br />

Beta Israel kingdom with its origins shrouded in the undocumented<br />

past, the rest of Beta Israel history appears almost<br />

automatically to be little more than an account of their decline<br />

from this mythical peak. <strong>In</strong> fact, the story is much more<br />

complex. According to the extant sources, a centralized relatively<br />

unified political organization existed among the Beta<br />

Israel only from the 16th and early 17th centuries. The effective<br />

military-political structure described in Ethiopian royal<br />

chronicles of this period was not, therefore, an aboriginal<br />

characteristic of Beta Israel society. Rather it developed relatively<br />

late, probably in response to the external threat posed by<br />

the Christian empire. Their history is not accordingly a story<br />

of continuous and unremitting decline but rather a gradual<br />

process of consolidation and unification followed by a series<br />

of catastrophic defeats.<br />

Even when applied solely to the period of the 16th and<br />

17th century the term Beta Israel kingdom should not be applied<br />

too casually. Even those later sources which portray a<br />

far more centralized polity than existed in earlier periods are<br />

far from unanimous as to the precise character of the group’s<br />

political structure. It is, for example, of interest to note that<br />

while many medieval Hebrew sources (none of them eyewitness<br />

accounts) accept the existence of a kingdom as axiomatic,<br />

the first-hand reports of Ethiopian, Portuguese, and Muslim<br />

observers are far more restrained. The claim put forward in<br />

the Chronicle of Emperor Sarsa Dengal that the 16th-century<br />

Beta Israel leader Radai lived from his own labor (“he was a<br />

tiller of the soil, who ate his bread by the sweat of his brow”;<br />

cf. Gen. 3:19) is difficult to reconcile with the idea of a fully<br />

developed monarchy.<br />

Nor should James Bruce’s detailed reports on the Jewish<br />

kings be accepted uncritically. Bruce, it must be remembered,<br />

visited Ethiopia almost a century and a half after Susenyos’<br />

victory over the Beta Israel. He was, therefore, at least in this<br />

case, a recorder of traditions and not an eyewitness. <strong>In</strong> addi-<br />

beta israel<br />

tion, his claim that a Beta Israel king and queen still ruled at<br />

the time of his visit scarcely enhances his credibility.8<br />

THE RISE OF MONASTICISM. The gradual evolution of a more<br />

centralized political structure was only one of the responses<br />

engendered by the Christian threat to the Beta Israel. During<br />

the same period a major revolution took place within the<br />

structure of Beta Israel religious life. A new form of religious<br />

leadership began to emerge. Faced with increasing political<br />

and military pressure from the Christian Ethiopian emperors,<br />

the Beta Israel adopted the Christian institution of monasticism<br />

as a means of consolidating and developing their unique<br />

communal identity. Beginning with Abba Sabra and Sega Amlak,<br />

who lived in the 15th century and are credited with founding<br />

Beta Israel monasticism, monks played a vital role among<br />

the Jews in Ethiopia.<br />

According to Beta Israel traditions, the introduction of<br />

monasticism was accompanied by a number of other religious<br />

innovations including the introduction of new religious literature,<br />

the composition of prayers, and the adoption of important<br />

laws of ritual segregation and purity. The Beta Israel<br />

monks can thus be justly claimed to have been the chief carriers<br />

of their people’s distinctive religious heritage. It appears<br />

probable that it was they who provided the ideological basis<br />

for the creation of a unified political structure among their<br />

people. Just how successful the monks were in assuming a<br />

central position in Beta Israel society is evidenced not only<br />

by the fact that they survived the demise of the autonomous<br />

political leaders but also by the fact that nearly all the figures<br />

commemorated by the Beta Israel as holy men at various holy<br />

places in Ethiopia were monks.<br />

1632–1860<br />

Any doubts one might have with regard to the finality of the<br />

Beta Israel’s defeat at the hands of Susenyos are resolved by the<br />

decision of his son Fasiledes (1632–67) to build his capital at<br />

Gondar near the heart of Beta Israel territory. The site would<br />

only have been chosen after the local people had been totally<br />

subdued. According to both Christian and Jewish traditions,<br />

Beta Israel soldiers and artisans were speedily incorporated<br />

into the military and economic life of Christian Ethiopia. Although<br />

the Beta Israel no longer ruled themselves, the Gondarine<br />

period (1632–1769) is remembered as a period when the<br />

“(Beta) Israel lived in peace and welfare.” Beginning in 1769,<br />

however, Ethiopia was plunged into an extended period of conflict<br />

and internal struggle. Known as the Zemane Masafent (the<br />

era of the princes or judges), because it resembled the period<br />

of the Old Testament judges when “there was no king in Israel:<br />

every man did that which was right in his eyes,” this period<br />

brought fresh sorrows to the Beta Israel. During a period of<br />

almost 100 years (1769–1855) Ethiopia lacked effective imperial<br />

rule and local rulers vied with each other for supremacy. The<br />

Beta Israel, whose well-being was largely dependent upon royal<br />

patronage and protection, suffered accordingly. Their decline<br />

from independence to imperial appointees to despised artisans<br />

is clearly visible in their changing patterns of leadership.<br />

ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 3 501

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