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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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was gradually developing was that the context of Bible study<br />

would no longer exclusively be the synagogue, the church and<br />

their related yeshivahs, seminaries, and faculties of theology,<br />

but the secular university as well. Among the major names<br />

which must be mentioned are René Descartes (d. 1650), who<br />

with his Cogito ergo sum, “I think therefore I am,” virtually<br />

provided the creed of the rationalism which dominated the<br />

century after his death; Benedict *Spinoza, who applied the<br />

new thought more specifically to biblical study, including a<br />

portentous questioning of the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch;<br />

Hugo *Grotius, a Dutch jurist, whose probings have<br />

sometimes earned him the title of the “father” of the historical-critical<br />

method; Gotthold Ephraim *Lessing, with his famous<br />

pronouncement that “accidental truths of history can<br />

never become proof of necessary truths of reason”; and Immanuel<br />

*Kant, whose emphasis upon “practical reason,” i.e.,<br />

man’s conscience and its ethical judgments, was to be of incalculable<br />

influence in succeeding years. With Kant’s divorce of<br />

the “phenomenal” and “noumenal” worlds, the stage was set<br />

for that loss of the authority of an inspired Scripture and of a<br />

sense of the transcendent in general, which dominated most<br />

of the succeeding centuries. Much of the new mood was introduced<br />

into Judaism especially through Moses Mendelssohn. <strong>In</strong><br />

both Judaism and Christianity, there was (and sometimes still<br />

is) uncompromising resistance to “higher criticism” (i.e., those<br />

aspects of biblical criticism which deal with literary analysis<br />

and historical and ideological considerations; as opposed to<br />

“lower criticism” which deals with the text, canon, etc.) because<br />

of its original connection with rationalistic and other<br />

anti-supernaturalistic philosophies. <strong>In</strong> this climate, precursors<br />

of the more technical aspects of the critical study of the Bible<br />

also began to appear, especially Isaac la *Peyrere and Richard<br />

*Simon, who postulated various authors of the Pentateuch,<br />

and particularly the 18th-century Jean *Astruc, who first used<br />

criterion of different Hebrew names for the deity in Genesis.<br />

These and other preliminary critical investigations were summarized<br />

and ordered by Johann *Eichhorn in a three-volume<br />

work on the Old Testament. Two 18th-century scholars were<br />

especially important in developing further the theoretical<br />

foundations of the movement, specifically in breaking away<br />

from the restraints of ecclesiastical dogma and tradition. Johann<br />

Semler (d. 1791), especially in his Abhandlung zur freien<br />

Untersuchung des Kanons, campaigned for an approach to the<br />

Bible exactly “like another book,” free from all dogmatic preassumptions.<br />

Similarly Johann Gabler (d. 1787), often known<br />

as the father of “biblical theology” because of the distinction<br />

he advocated between that discipline and the traditional dogmatic<br />

theology, urged that the latter should concentrate on<br />

biblical teachings of universal relevance, while “biblical theology”<br />

should concern itself with historically and temporally<br />

conditioned matters.<br />

Nineteenth-Century Pentateuch Criticism and Wellhausen<br />

Critical investigations into the *Pentateuch in particular continued<br />

throughout the 19th century by scholars like Martin de<br />

bible<br />

Wette (d. 1843), the first to isolate Deuteronomy as a separate<br />

source and associate it with Josiah’s reformation (II Kings 22),<br />

and Heinrich Ewald (d. 1875), a prolific writer who changed<br />

his own position repeatedly, thus typifying the exploratory<br />

nature of that period’s investigations. By 1850, late datings for<br />

Daniel, Second Isaiah (i.e., Isaiah 40–66), the second part of<br />

Zechariah, and Psalms had become generally accepted, but no<br />

unanimity had been reached on the Pentateuch. W. Vatke’s recognition<br />

of the lateness of the Grundschrift (the later “Priestly<br />

Document”) eventually provided the needed breakthrough,<br />

but his thoroughgoing Hegelianism and Ewald’s rejection of<br />

his views led to a stalemate which was broken only by Wellhausen<br />

and his congeners. When this intermediate period (after<br />

Eichhorn) came to an end, a certain “critical orthodoxy”<br />

was introduced) in the epoch-making Prolegomena to the History<br />

of Israel of Julius Wellhausen (1844–1918) in 1878 (Eng. tr.<br />

1965). Others beside Wellhausen were influential in the formulation<br />

of the final hypothesis and others worked alongside<br />

him in its subsequent elaboration, but Wellhausen’s work so<br />

successfully presented and popularized the approach that few<br />

dispute the appropriateness of epithets like “Wellhausenian,”<br />

“classical criticism,” etc.<br />

The great significance of Wellhausen’s achievement lay<br />

in the fact that it represented not only the latest in a series of<br />

isolated critical investigations, but that these were integrated<br />

into an entirely new synthesis and reconstruction of the total<br />

course of Israel’s religious history, to the stages of which the<br />

various literary documents were related. Although L. Perlitt<br />

(Vatke und Wellhausen, 1965) has attempted to disprove it, it<br />

still seems that, however indirect, the ultimate philosophical<br />

inspiration of Wellhausen’s reconstruction was the idealistic<br />

monism of Hegel. (For better or for worse, much of the historicism<br />

and immanentalism of this period survived even in<br />

the later corrections, and it is doubtful if even the most determinedly<br />

conservative today have remained uninfluenced by<br />

this “Copernican revolution” which stresses that things can be<br />

understood only when their history is known.)<br />

Wellhausen postulated a slow evolutionistic rise from<br />

the animism of the earliest, “patriarchal” periods to the “ethical<br />

monotheism” of especially the eighth-century prophets.<br />

The purest of the pentateuchal sources, from this perspective,<br />

was judged to be J or the Yahwist (which used the divine<br />

name transliterated as YHWH; JHWH in German), dated to the<br />

ninth century, followed by a slow but sure degeneration toward<br />

formalism and institutionalism in the subsequent sources, E<br />

or the Elohist (using the divine name Elohim) perhaps a century<br />

later, D or the Deuteronomist (the author of the Book of<br />

Deuteronomy) with his incipient “biblicism,” writing in connection<br />

with Josiah’s abortive ventures shortly before the fall<br />

of Judah, and P (author of the Priestly document) during or<br />

after the Exile, providing the constitution for the small semiindependent<br />

hierocracy within the vast Persian empire. All of<br />

the sources were understood as providing reliable information<br />

primarily only of the period of composition, not of the earlier<br />

periods which they described. The Pentateuch was alleg-<br />

ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 3 649

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