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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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eta israel<br />

AZMACH AND BEJEROND. Following their loss of independence<br />

in the 17th century, the structure of Beta Israel political<br />

leadership underwent a dramatic change. Autonomous rulers<br />

no longer exercised control over the community or the<br />

regions in which the Beta Israel lived. Political power passed<br />

into the hands of royal-appointed governors, none of whom<br />

was chosen by virtue of their traditional roles among their<br />

own people. Rather they acquired land and titles through<br />

their ability to render services to the Christian Emperors<br />

who resided in Gondar. The principal secular leaders of the<br />

Beta Israel became those who were recognized as such by<br />

the dominant society, rather than those related to their own<br />

previous ruling families. A new elite of soldiers, masons, and<br />

carpenters emerged.<br />

The Beta Israel leaders of the Gondarine period are remembered<br />

as having held two titles: azmach (commander)<br />

and bejerond (treasurer). The former, which was the higher<br />

of the two ranks, was used to refer to military leaders and local<br />

officals. The latter appears to have had connections with<br />

tax collection, although as applied to the Beta Israel it seems<br />

to have referred primarily to the “chief of the workers” – especially<br />

potters, carpenters, masons, and blacksmiths. While<br />

the azmach might exercise leadership over a heterogeneous<br />

community, the bejerond’s authority was confined to the Beta<br />

Israel. One informant stated, “The azmach was government<br />

administrator for many people, but the bejerond was only concerned<br />

with the Beta Israel.”<br />

One of the clearest indications of the deterioration of the<br />

status of the Beta Israel in the late 18th and 19th century is the<br />

gradual disappearance of the azmach. <strong>In</strong> the Gondarine period<br />

Beta Israel were appointed both azmach and bejerond, by mid-<br />

19th century those few Beta Israel who had any titles at all were<br />

exclusively bejerond. As James Quirin has noted, this transition<br />

was symptomatic of their social-political decline and increasing<br />

identification as a low-status artisan group.<br />

COMMUNAL ORGANIZATION. One immediate consequence<br />

of the Beta Israel’s loss of autonomy was a return to the decentralized<br />

pattern of communal organization which had characterized<br />

their political structure prior to the 16th and 17th century.<br />

While it may be convenient to continue to speak of the<br />

Beta Israel “community,” no evidence exists for the survival<br />

of formal centralized communal institutions. Rather a large<br />

number of scattered communities existed with informal economic,<br />

political, marital, and religious ties. Halévy observed<br />

when he visited Ethiopia in 1867, “Chaque commune est autonomie<br />

et indépendante. C’est seulement dans les cas òu un<br />

grand danger menace la religion qu’on se reunit, afin de repousser<br />

l’ennemie commun” (J. Halevy, in: Bulletin de l’Alliance<br />

israélite universelle (1868), 95).<br />

The Beta Israel’s lack of autonomy and of an effective<br />

political-military leadership also resulted in a sharp decline<br />

in the communities’ coercive power. Abba Yeshaq, one of the<br />

Beta Israel’s outstanding religious leaders of the 19th century,<br />

told the French explorer Antoine d’Abbadie that originally<br />

the Beta Israel would stone to death any member of the community<br />

who ate leavened products on Passover. Following<br />

their loss of independence, however, they were compelled to<br />

change the punishment. “Mais aujourd’hui, comme on n’a pas<br />

de roi juif, on se contente d’infliger une pénitence qui est le<br />

don d’une chèvre d’un an.”<br />

Abba Yeshaq’s words serve as a reminder that however<br />

great the authority of the Beta Israel clergy, neither they nor<br />

any other group in post-independence Beta Israel society<br />

had the power to enforce its will upon the population. On<br />

the whole, the means of coercion in their hands were largely<br />

limited to steps such as ostracism, which depended upon the<br />

support of community opinion. As Halévy wrote, “Chaque<br />

province, chaque ville se soumet volontairement à la decision<br />

de son prêtre et de ses debteras.”<br />

At the heart of the daily functioning of the voluntary<br />

system described by Halévy stood the village elders (shmagilotch).<br />

On their role he observed, “La justice est exercée par<br />

les anciens (chimaguelié). Les plaintes et les différends sont<br />

portes devant eux. Leurs jugements sont toujours respectes<br />

par les deux partis. Personne n’ose s’y opposer ni faire appel<br />

a l’autorité amharique.”<br />

Although Halévy appears to have been the first witness to<br />

mention the role of the elders in Beta Israel society, the phenomenon<br />

he describes was probably of considerable antiquity.<br />

Certainly we can presume that it existed at least from the time<br />

when the Beta Israel lost their independence. More importantly,<br />

it formed an integral part of Beta Israel life throughout<br />

the 19th and 20th centuries, and thus forms a vital element<br />

in any comprehensive picture of their traditional leadership<br />

in the modern era.<br />

Although we possess no specific information of the Beta<br />

Israel clergy during the Gondarine period, it appears likely that<br />

their importance was increased by the decline of the autonomous<br />

political leadership. <strong>In</strong> particular, the monastic clergy<br />

who became virtually the only leaders not dependent upon<br />

the Christian kings for their position, probably rose in status.<br />

The further decline of the secular leaders during the “era of the<br />

princes” could only have further enhanced their standing.<br />

By the time we begin to receive detailed accounts of Beta<br />

Israel life in the first half of the 19th century, the paramount<br />

position of the monastic clergy is clearly established. Antoine<br />

d’Abbadie, one of the most important of the early European<br />

visitors to Ethiopia wrote, “Bien qu’il n’y ait pas de hierarchie<br />

ecclesiastique, les Falachas reconnaissent pour chef les plus<br />

savent ou le plus habile de leurs moines.” The centrality of the<br />

monastic clergy during this period receives further confirmation<br />

in the Beta Israel’s own sources according to which their<br />

religion survived a severe crisis in the early 19th century due<br />

to the efforts of the monk, Abba Wedaje. Significantly it was<br />

also the monastic clergy who served as communal spokesmen<br />

when the first efforts to communicate with world Jewry were<br />

made. Finally, it was upon the monastic clergy that the main<br />

responsibility fell to defend their people against the temptations<br />

of foreign missionaries.<br />

502 ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 3

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