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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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tion. It was Weber who delineated distinct groups of Israelite<br />

intellectuals and, using the source-critical insights of his day,<br />

correlated them with specific biblical texts and literary/theological<br />

genres. It was Weber who argued that the prophets of<br />

Israel aspired to de-magicize the world. <strong>In</strong> this manner they<br />

were harbingers of the slow, millennial process of rationalization<br />

that culminated in Occidental modernity. It is important<br />

to note the trans-civilizational scope of his analysis; the inchoate<br />

rationalism of these ancient Israelite intellectuals provides<br />

one way in which “Jewish religion has world-historical<br />

consequences” that extend into the modern period. It was<br />

Weber who audaciously suggested that biblical Decalogues<br />

were something of a mnemonic device for the less theologically<br />

sophisticated masses. And it was Weber who wondered<br />

if the austere ritualistic segregation of ancient Judaism<br />

inadvertently triggered the antisemitism of antiquity and<br />

beyond.<br />

Yet these theories and their corresponding methodological<br />

initiatives were overlooked for nearly half a century. It was<br />

only in the 1970s that a sustained effort to think sociologically<br />

about ancient Israel garnered widespread interest. Central<br />

to the rise of this second wave was Norman Gottwald’s<br />

The Tribes of Yahweh: A Sociology of the Religion of Liberated<br />

Israel 1250–1050 B.C.E. This work elicited denunciations of<br />

the sociological method as applied to the Bible (Mendenhall)<br />

and charges of rank amateurism (Rainey). Whether one<br />

agrees with Gottwald’s thesis of a peasant rebellion in ancient<br />

Palestine, a revolt catalyzed by the enigmatic group known<br />

as the habiru, his text was crucial in that it consciously attempted<br />

to engage in dialogue with the writings of Marx, Weber,<br />

Durkheim and Talcott Parsons (Berlinerblau, 2002; Boer).<br />

What characterizes Gottwald’s project and that of other contemporary<br />

biblical sociologists is an attempt to use biblical,<br />

epigraphic, and archaeological data as a means of reconstructing<br />

ancient Israelite history (Wilson) and society (McNutt).<br />

They work closely, if somewhat uncritically, with the biblical<br />

text in order to gain insight into ancient Israel as it actually<br />

was in the early Iron Age. Gottwald and a few others notwithstanding,<br />

biblical sociologists tend to eschew serious engagement<br />

with sociological research. <strong>In</strong>deed, an astonishingly large<br />

number of studies in this field use terms such as “social location,”<br />

“social world,” “social setting,” “social-scientific analysis”<br />

(a trend initiated by the sociologist Peter Berger’s important<br />

1963 article on the social location of prophecy). All of these<br />

terms are useful in their own way, but decidedly distinct from<br />

the lexicon employed in standard sociology.<br />

What would the third wave of biblical sociology entail? A<br />

list of desiderata might be framed as follows. The move from<br />

“social studies” to sociology will only take place when biblicists<br />

thoroughly and creatively confront the immense canon<br />

of sociological literature. Next, a greater degree of sophistication<br />

in approaching the Hebrew Bible qua historical text is<br />

necessary. Philip Davies, in commenting on Gottwald’s Tribes,<br />

aptly notes that there exists a difference between the society<br />

represented in the Hebrew Bible and the real society in which<br />

bible<br />

the Hebrew Bible was produced. Accordingly, biblical sociology<br />

must develop criteria for assessing when scriptural data<br />

offers accurate data for sociological reconstruction. Self-reflexivity<br />

has always been a staple of the sociological imagination<br />

and the study of how knowledge has been produced<br />

in biblical studies (across two millennia) and who produces<br />

such knowledge, stands as one of the most fertile areas for<br />

further exploration. Finally, as a means of moving beyond the<br />

rather positivistic project of reconstructing ancient Israelite<br />

society, and as a means of remaining loyal to Weber’s transhistorical<br />

vision, biblical sociologists might look at how the<br />

Hebrew Bible itself has functioned across sociological time<br />

and space. A sociology of interpretation, or “socio-hermeneutics”<br />

(Berlinerblau, 2005) would look at how situated Jewish<br />

and Christian interpreters have read the Bible and how such<br />

readings came to exert world-altering effects upon the social<br />

body in question.<br />

Bibliography: M. Weber, 1952. Ancient Judaism, 194–218,<br />

5, 242, 417; T.O. Beidelman, W. Robertson Smith and the Sociological<br />

Study of Religion (1974), 68; W.R. Smith, The Religion of the Semites.<br />

Lectures on the Religion of the Semites: Second and Third Series,<br />

J. Day (ed.) (1972); P. McNutt, Reconstructing the Society of Ancient<br />

Israel (1999); F. Frick, “Norman Gottwald’s The Tribes of Yahweh<br />

in the Context of ‘Second-Wave’ Social-Scientific Biblical Criticism,”<br />

in: Tracking the Tribes of Yahweh: On the Trail of a Classic (2002);<br />

J. Pedersen, Israel: Its Life and Culture: 1–4 (1926); A. Lods, Israël.<br />

Des origines au milieu du VIIIeme Siècle (1930); A. Causse, Du groupe<br />

ethnique a la communauté religieuse: Le problem sociologique de<br />

la religion d’Israël (1937); A. Alt, Essays on Old Testament History<br />

and Religion (1967); R. De Vaux, Ancient Israel: Its Life and <strong>In</strong>stitutions<br />

(1961); M. Noth, The History of Israel (1958); C. Van Leeuwen,<br />

Le développement du sens social en Israël avant lère chrétienne (1955);<br />

C.E.H. Mayes, “Amphictyony,” in: The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume<br />

1:A–C., 212–216 (1992); N. Gottwald, The Tribes of Yahweh:<br />

A Sociology of the Religion of Liberated Israel 1250–1050 B.C.E. (1980);<br />

G. Mendenhall, “Ancient Israel’s Hyphenated History,” in: Palestine<br />

in Transition: The Emergence of Ancient Israel (1983); A. Rainey,<br />

“Review of The Tribes of Yahweh: A Sociology of the Religion of Liberated<br />

Israel, 1250–1050 B.C.E.,” in: JAOS, 107 (1987):540–543; J. Berlinerblau,<br />

“The Delicate Flower of Biblical Sociology,” in: Tracking<br />

the Tribes of Yahweh: On the Trail of a Classic (2002), 59-76; R. Wilson,<br />

Sociological Approaches to the Old Testament, 30-53 (1984); P.<br />

Berger, “Charisma and Religious <strong>In</strong>novation: The Social Location of<br />

Israelite Prophecy,” in: American Sociological Review, 28 (1963):<br />

940–50; P. Davies,. “The Society of Biblical Israel,” in: Second Temple<br />

Studies 2. Temple and Community in the Persian Period (1991), 23;<br />

J. Berlinerblau, The Secular Bible: Why Nonbelievers Must Take<br />

Religion Seriously (2005); R. Boer (ed.), Tracking the Tribes of Yahweh:<br />

On the Trail of a Classic (2002).<br />

[Jacques Berlinblau (2nd ed.)]<br />

RELIGIOUS IMPACT<br />

in judaism<br />

<strong>In</strong> Hellenistic Judaism<br />

Hellenistic Jewish literature, dating from about 250 B.C.E. to<br />

40 C.E., may be regarded as the fusion of the biblical tradition<br />

with the Greek language and culture. The literary activ-<br />

ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 3 659

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