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JUDAICA - Wisdom In Torah

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ar kokhba<br />

The actual siege of Bethar began apparently after the<br />

recapture of Jerusalem. Whether Bar Kokhba’s men had intended<br />

it from the outset to be their principal fortress or were<br />

driven there by the force of circumstances cannot be known.<br />

Even during the siege those in Bethar maintained contact<br />

with camps of fighters in the Judean Desert. One of the documents<br />

states: “Near the well of Ben Koseva, Nasi of Israel, in<br />

the camp,” referring probably to the camp of Bethar, which is<br />

not mentioned, however, in the Dead Sea documents. Severus’<br />

strategy was to intensify the siege on the fortress, and a siege<br />

wall (circumvallatio) was built for this purpose. It was attacked<br />

by the besieged in desperate sallies, while the blockade grew<br />

tighter. A clear reminder of the Roman armies’ presence in<br />

Bethar itself was preserved in a Latin inscription which was<br />

engraved on a rock near the well of Bethar and mentions detachments<br />

of the Fifth “Macedonica” and the Eleventh “Claudia”<br />

legions. The inscription is now illegible.<br />

Eusebius states that Bethar was besieged in the 18th year<br />

of Hadrian’s reign, that is, in 134 C.E., about two years after<br />

the outbreak of the revolt, and that its fall was caused by hunger<br />

and thirst. According to the talmudic account (TJ, Ta’an<br />

4:8, 68d; Lam. R. 2:2, no. 4), Hadrian unsuccessfully laid siege<br />

to Bethar for three and a half years, until a Samaritan pretended<br />

that *Eleazar of Modi’in (ha-Moda’i) had conspired<br />

with him to surrender the city to the Romans. <strong>In</strong>censed at<br />

this, Bar Kokhba killed Eleazar. “Immediately Bethar was<br />

captured and Ben Koziva met his death.” Presumably great<br />

importance was attached in besieged Bethar to sages such as<br />

Eleazar of Modi’in, one of the leading rabbis of his generation,<br />

but whether he is identical with the Eleazar whose name appears<br />

on coins of the revolt cannot be determined. (<strong>In</strong> one of<br />

his letters, Bar Kokhba mentions a הסימ רב הינטב ונבר, whom<br />

he regarded as a great man.) These circumstances suggest<br />

that eventually a dispute broke out between the sages and the<br />

commander-in-chief and spread among the besieged. <strong>In</strong> any<br />

event these reports, like the statement of Eusebius, indicate<br />

that the capture of Bethar was difficult and was achieved under<br />

unusual circumstances.<br />

The death of Bar Kokhba is enveloped in a legendary<br />

halo. The accounts of the massacre perpetrated in Bethar attest<br />

to the ferocity of the struggle (Git. 56a–b; Song. R. 2:17;<br />

cf. ARN 138, 115: “Not a soul escaped”). The sages state that on<br />

Av 15th the burial of the slain was permitted (Ta’an. 31a). Tradition<br />

has it that Bethar was taken on the Ninth of Av (ibid.,<br />

29a), and Jerome (loc. cit.) also says that it occurred in August:<br />

in hoc mense (scil. Augusto). On the basis of the latest<br />

date – the fourth year of the liberation of Israel – mentioned<br />

in one of the documents, Bar Kokhba’s rule lasted more than<br />

three years. <strong>In</strong> Jewish tradition the fall of Bethar was a disaster<br />

equal to the destruction of the First and Second Temples.<br />

The Jewish population of Judea was largely exterminated<br />

in the period of repression which followed the fall of Bethar.<br />

The subjugation was associated with massacres and religious<br />

persecution, the sale of Jews into slavery, and uprooting of the<br />

people from the soil. The Jewish center of gravity now moved<br />

northward, chiefly to Galilee. Thus ended the final and perhaps<br />

greatest war of liberation of the Jews in ancient times.<br />

The independence of Judea had come to an end.<br />

The Judean Desert Documents<br />

The finds, dating from the days of Bar Kokhba and brought<br />

to light in the Judean Desert in 1952–61, contain additional<br />

facts of great importance for an understanding of the social<br />

and economic conditions prevailing during the Bar Kokhba<br />

war in 132–135 C.E. The first documents were found in 1952 in<br />

Wadi Muraba’at about 11 mi. (18 km.) southwest of *Qumran.<br />

Among them are commercial contracts, letters of divorce, two<br />

letters from Bar Kokhba, and one from the administrators of<br />

the community addressed to Jeshua b. Galgolah. An archaeological<br />

expedition undertaken in the Judean Desert south of<br />

En-Gedi in 1960–61 uncovered, alongside material finds such<br />

as skeletons, linen, remnants of clothes, metal and glass vessels,<br />

and remains of food, many documents of the time of the<br />

Bar Kokhba war, chiefly in one of the caves in Naḥal Ḥever,<br />

now named “The Cave of the Letters.” The letters and economic<br />

documents in Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek uncovered<br />

in the cave testify to the economic position in southern Judea<br />

on the eve of the revolt and at the height of the war (on the<br />

documents, their language, literary form, and historical significance<br />

see *Dead Sea Scrolls).<br />

The letters, written apparently in Bar Kokhba’s name<br />

but not personally by him, deal with everyday matters. Some<br />

of them are not entirely clear. The dates mentioned in them<br />

range from the second to the fourth year of the liberation of<br />

Israel (132–134 C.E.). The letters open with an almost identical<br />

formula:<br />

ןב עושיל ןועמשמ .ולש ךרכה ישנאל הלוגלג ןב עשיל הבסוכ ןב ןועמשמ<br />

;םלס הלבסמלו ןתנוהיל לארשי לע יסנה הבסוכ רב ןועמש ;םולש הלוגלג<br />

הדוהיל ןועמש ;םולש ןיעב. אלבסמל ידגניע ישנאל אבסוכ רב ןועמשמ<br />

.(ו)ב ןת(נ)והיל(ר) היברע תירקל השנמ רב<br />

“From Simeon ben Kosevah to Jeshua ben Galgolah and the<br />

men of his fortress!”; “From Simeon to Jeshua ben Galgolah,<br />

peace!”; “Simeon bar Kosevah the nasi [“prince”] of Israel to<br />

Jonathan and Masbela, peace!”; “From Simeon bar Koseva to<br />

the men of En-Gedi to Masbela (and) to Jonathan B(ar) Ba’ayan<br />

peace!” “Simeon to Judah bar Manasseh to Kiryat Araviyah.”<br />

<strong>In</strong> a letter to Jeshua b. Galgolah, one of his army commanders,<br />

Bar Kokhba refers to the םיאללג (gllʾym), who are to be protected<br />

and, sternly reminding his men of this, threatens them<br />

with irons: “I call Heaven to witness against me … that I shall<br />

put your feet in irons.” The actual occasion and the identity of<br />

the םיאללג are not clear from the letter. <strong>In</strong> another letter to Jeshua,<br />

Bar Kokhba orders him to offer hospitality on the Sabbath<br />

to men who were bringing wheat to the camp and to provide<br />

them with accommodation until “after the Sabbath.”<br />

<strong>In</strong> other letters found in Naḥal Ḥever, the nasi writes to<br />

Masbelah b. Simeon and Jonathan b. Bayahu, who were apparently<br />

in command of the En-Gedi front, about the wheat supply,<br />

the grain harvest, the confiscation of property, the supervision<br />

of the men, and the mobilization of the men of *Tekoa<br />

160 ENCYCLOPAEDIA <strong>JUDAICA</strong>, Second Edition, Volume 3

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