07.01.2013 Aufrufe

Festschrift für Fritz W. Scharpf - MPIfG

Festschrift für Fritz W. Scharpf - MPIfG

Festschrift für Fritz W. Scharpf - MPIfG

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V. Schmidt · The Boundaries of “Bounded Generalizations” 327<br />

actors to switch their games, for example, from non-cooperative games to<br />

cooperative games, to extricate themselves from prisoners’ dilemmas, and<br />

so on. 3<br />

As such, discursive institutionalism elucidates the realm of institutional<br />

interaction which rational choice institutionalism defines away when it assumes<br />

fixed preferences, perfect knowledge, stable institutions, and interestbased<br />

strategies. Discursive institutionalism, in other words, can serve to<br />

explain those causal influences on policy change – such as changing preferences<br />

in situations of imperfect knowledge with changeable institutions and/<br />

or non-instrumental purposes and strategies – that make rational choice explanations<br />

fail as often as not. As a result, although discursive institutionalism<br />

cannot (and does not aspire to) generate universal generalizations focused<br />

on the rationalist logic of actors’ policy choices, nor even to <strong>Scharpf</strong>’s<br />

“incomplete theories” and “bounded” rationalist generalizations, it can elucidate<br />

the discursive logic of policy choice. It does this by identifying the<br />

discursive factors that contribute to the success or failure of policy reform<br />

and by generating partial theories that can be tested against the evidence, to<br />

determine when discourse has causal influence on policy change because it<br />

affects actors’ institutionally-constituted preferences, perceptions, and purposes<br />

rather than simply reflects them. One way of testing is through the use<br />

of matched pairs of cases where just about everything remains constant except<br />

the discourse (see Schmidt 2001a, 2002a).<br />

For example, ideas and discourse are essential to explaining how the<br />

Netherlands in the early 1980s was able to solve its major economic crisis<br />

and why Belgium was not, despite similar economic problems, policy legacies,<br />

actor perceptions and preferences, and institutional setting. In the<br />

Netherlands, the discourse of a new Prime Minister, who credibly threatened<br />

government intervention because “it is there to govern” as he evoked<br />

new terms for the debate, spurred the social partners to begin a more cooperative<br />

set of deliberations with new union ideas about the trade-off in<br />

wages and profits (Visser/Hemerijck 1997; Schmidt 2000b: 285–286). In<br />

Belgium, by contrast, no amount of discourse by government or even the<br />

King, who pleaded to “put our differences aside” as if “we were at war …<br />

for the preservation of our economy” managed to persuade the unions to<br />

3 Note that game theorists themselves have generally found in experimental games that actors<br />

who do not communicate with one another largely reproduce the predicted results of<br />

non-cooperative games, whereas those who communicate even very briefly tend to move<br />

from non-cooperative games toward cooperative ones (see Colman 1982: 119–123).

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