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Festschrift für Fritz W. Scharpf - MPIfG

Festschrift für Fritz W. Scharpf - MPIfG

Festschrift für Fritz W. Scharpf - MPIfG

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V. Schmidt · The Boundaries of “Bounded Generalizations” 343<br />

of Ministers and debates in the European Parliament, comes closest to national<br />

multi-actor systems in the wide range of policy actors who negotiate<br />

the construction of policy programs through an elaborate coordinative discourse<br />

which tends to be contractual in tone and cooperative in tenor. 8 The<br />

process by which ideas inform the coordinative discourse, moreover, is as<br />

open as in multi-actor systems to epistemic communities (Mazey/Richardson<br />

l996; Kohler-Koch 1997: 99–101), advocacy coalitions (Sabatier l998),<br />

and policy entrepreneurs, not just for the Single Market and EMU, as noted<br />

earlier, but for a wide range of other issues as well, including agriculture<br />

(Fouilleux 2001).<br />

The European Union’s coordinative discourse, however, is complicated<br />

by the fact that it is multi-level (see Kohler-Koch 1996; Marks et al. 1996)<br />

as well as multi-actor, with many of its policy actors also engaged in national<br />

coordinative discourses and many of its ideas those of experts who<br />

also operate in national discursive policy communities. The picture is even<br />

more complex than this, however, since the pattern of multi-level discursive<br />

interaction departs more from traditional single-actor patterns than from<br />

multi-actor ones (see Figure 4). For while national multi-actor systems tend<br />

to experience little more than the addition of another level of coordinative<br />

discourse (compare Figure 4 with Figure 3), national single-actor systems<br />

experience greater disruption. This is because in single-actor systems, members<br />

of discursive policy communities and even of the informed public may<br />

become players in the EU level coordinative discourse even though they<br />

may continue to be excluded from the coordinative discourse at the national<br />

level (contrast Figure 4 with Figure 2), while the government has to communicate<br />

EU decisions to the public, risking an adversarial reaction, rather<br />

than working out the implementation in cooperation with the most affected<br />

interests, as in multi-actor systems. In France, for example, the impact can<br />

be seen in the wide range of policy sectors where business has become a<br />

partner of government at the EU level even though at the national level government<br />

still maintains its traditional distance (Schmidt l996, l999c). And it<br />

also can be seen in its difficulties in working out the details of implementing<br />

EU level decisions in public services sectors such as electricity by contrast<br />

with Germany (Eising/Jabko 2002; Schmidt 2001b).<br />

8 There is no room here to go into the subtleties of the three modes of decision-making<br />

<strong>Scharpf</strong> identifies as typical of the EU: joint decision-making, intergovernmental agreements,<br />

and supranational centralization (see <strong>Scharpf</strong> 2002). The discussion here best fits<br />

the joint decision-making process.

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