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Festschrift für Fritz W. Scharpf - MPIfG

Festschrift für Fritz W. Scharpf - MPIfG

Festschrift für Fritz W. Scharpf - MPIfG

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V. Schmidt · The Boundaries of “Bounded Generalizations” 337<br />

In any of these responses to protest, democratic legitimacy is at risk. In<br />

the first instance, where the government maintains its discourse and policy<br />

without modification despite significant protest, the policy program remains<br />

but its legitimacy is in doubt. This was certainly the case in the early<br />

Thatcher years, before the discourse took hold. In the second instance,<br />

where the government abandons the policy leaving the problems it was to<br />

address unresolved and silence about what is to be done in the future, its legitimacy<br />

is again in question while public disaffection grows. In France, this<br />

was the case of Prime Minister Juppé’s public sector welfare reforms of<br />

1995, where government’s initial persistence with reform in the face of<br />

protest followed by its ultimate withdrawal of much of its initiative (even as<br />

it persisted with some) in silence resulted in significant public disaffection,<br />

and contributed to the government’s subsequent electoral defeat (Levy<br />

2000). Finally, where the government modifies the program on a piecemeal<br />

basis but continues to talk as if no change has occurred, the government’s<br />

legitimacy along with that of the policy program is also in doubt. In France,<br />

again, the traditional “statist” policymaking pattern in the industrial policy<br />

arena, in which the government announced “heroic” policies formulated<br />

with minimal consultation but as often as not accommodated the most concerned<br />

interests in the implementation – thereby honoring the policy mainly<br />

in the breach – also raised problems of government legitimacy while often<br />

failing to solve the problems which the policy was to address (Schmidt<br />

1996). 6<br />

There are discursive solutions to these problems of democratic legitimacy<br />

in single-actor systems, however. These entail increasing the legitimacy of<br />

the authoritative voice in order to reduce the likelihood of an adversarial response<br />

by strengthening the quality of ideas presented as well as the quantity<br />

and quality of participation at both the coordinative and communicative<br />

stages of discourse.<br />

In terms of discursive ideas, for example, the authoritativeness of the discourse<br />

is enhanced by improving the quality of the cognitive and normative<br />

arguments. In single-actor France, for example, Juppé’s successor, Prime<br />

Minister Lionel Jospin, reformed more with greater legitimacy and less confrontation<br />

mainly because his discourse addressed how his policy program<br />

6 Jean-Claude Thoenig (1985) makes the argument that this pattern of individualized exceptions<br />

to the rules left state administrators, and not just the public, seeing such action as<br />

illegitimate, which therefore made it impossible for them to build from those individual<br />

solutions to craft better rules.

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