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Festschrift für Fritz W. Scharpf - MPIfG

Festschrift für Fritz W. Scharpf - MPIfG

Festschrift für Fritz W. Scharpf - MPIfG

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V. Schmidt · The Boundaries of “Bounded Generalizations” 341<br />

Habermas’ (1989) democratic ideals based on public deliberation and “communicative<br />

action,” given that public deliberation may be uninformed and<br />

have little effect upon decisions already made on the basis of private deliberations<br />

behind closed doors. (That Habermas developed his political philosophy<br />

in multi-actor Germany should come as no surprise.)<br />

There are ways in which multi-actor systems can balance out some of the<br />

“democratic deficit” related to the thinness of the communicative discourse,<br />

however, mainly by ensuring the inclusiveness and transparency of the coordinative<br />

discourse. Where the coordinative discourse covers most relevant<br />

groups in society, the communication between policy elites and their constituencies<br />

may substitute for a communicative discourse by government directed<br />

toward the public. Problems occur mainly where the coordinative<br />

discourse marginalizes certain groups (typically immigrants, the unemployed,<br />

and women), or where policy elites do not communicate sufficiently<br />

with their own constituent members, in which case they may lose their<br />

members’ trust and allegiance, thereby undermining the legitimacy of the<br />

agreements and jeopardizing their continuation. This was the case of the<br />

Italian unions in the l980s, but it was remedied in the l990s (see Baccaro<br />

2000; Ferrera/Gualmini 2000; Schmidt 2000b). Finally, where the coordinative<br />

discourse is transparent because it is made public through news reports<br />

and open to modification in response to public criticism, the public<br />

nature of the deliberation among policy elites may substitute for a fully<br />

communicative discourse directed toward the public. Problems occur mostly<br />

where the coordinative discourse is entirely confidential, as in Austria, where<br />

the doors don’t leak; less so where it spills out into the public sphere, as in<br />

Germany, where the doors always do leak; and least where it is quasi-public,<br />

as in the Netherlands, where the internal debates are regularly exposed in<br />

the media and open to modification in response to public comment. Where<br />

the coordinative discourse is entirely closed, the public is left without much<br />

orienting or legitimating information about the policy program, making it<br />

more vulnerable to the communicative discourse of extremists, such as that<br />

of Haider in Austria beginning in the late l990s (see Schmidt 2000b).<br />

But however open or closed to the public the coordinative discourse, its<br />

tenor is generally cooperative. 7 The discursive interaction leading up to<br />

7 However, as <strong>Scharpf</strong> (1997, 2001a) points out, there are multi-actor systems which are<br />

negotiating systems rather than the joint-decision systems I focus on here. In these cases,<br />

the tenor of the coordinative discourse can easily be one of conflict, as is often the case in<br />

the U.S. policymaking process.

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