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continue or arise if certain issues remained unresolved. In Dieffenbach’s view, the majority of<br />

Maori welcome Europeans into their country; after all, they constantly provide food for visitors,<br />

<strong>and</strong> increased their cultivations to welcome them for that purpose (II:146), albeit without<br />

expecting such large numbers of colonists. Their willingness to sell appears in part due to a<br />

“desire of acquiring civilization, protection, <strong>and</strong> instruction from a European colony” (I:92), 130 a<br />

wish which is naturally not shared by all. They are aware of their own rights, <strong>and</strong> as a<br />

consequence have not sold all of their l<strong>and</strong> as many claim, but have in general kept the best areas<br />

for cultivation. However, when this is not the case, various miscommunications have resulted, in<br />

which the blame should rest firmly on the European purchasers as they readily assumed that the<br />

Maori would not only underst<strong>and</strong> but also have the same meaning for the European conception of<br />

‘ownership’:<br />

The deeds of purchase have almost always been written in a foreign language <strong>and</strong> in a vague form,<br />

<strong>and</strong> the purchases were often conducted without a proper interpreter being present. Where the<br />

natives had made no particular reserve for themselves, the l<strong>and</strong> was sold by them with the implied<br />

underst<strong>and</strong>ing that they should continue to cultivate the ground which they <strong>and</strong> their forefathers<br />

had occupied from time immemorial; it never entered into their minds that they could be<br />

compelled to leave it <strong>and</strong> to retire to the mountains. (II:143)<br />

Thus, the Maori granted permission for Europeans to use their l<strong>and</strong>, unaware in many cases that it<br />

would pass through many h<strong>and</strong>s since the first buyer, “who perhaps bought it for a hundred<br />

pipes”, without the thought of actually occupying it: “They wanted Europeans amongst them; <strong>and</strong><br />

it was beyond their comprehension that one man should buy for another, who lived 15,000 miles<br />

off, a million of acres, <strong>and</strong> that this latter should never come to the country, or bestow upon the<br />

sellers those benefits which they justly expected” (II:144).<br />

The New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Company plan of reserving a tenth, <strong>and</strong> later an eleventh, of the<br />

sections sold to European colonists for the Maori may have appeared sound in theory, but as<br />

Dieffenbach notes, practice was another matter:<br />

This plan, as regards the town allotments, was certainly very judicious <strong>and</strong> expedient, as the best<br />

means to procure a sufficient fund to be applied to the expenses of protecting <strong>and</strong> civilizing the<br />

natives. It was, however, an error to believe that they would at once occupy their town allotments,<br />

sovereignty over the three isl<strong>and</strong>s. This was a mere formal step to prevent other nations, or individuals, or bodies,<br />

from acquiring in any way sovereign rights. It should not imply any duties to be performed by the natives, nor any<br />

sacrifices to be made by them, before they had become fully acquainted with the duties of a citizen, <strong>and</strong> were able to<br />

participate in the benefits of the new organization” (II:142). (For further information, see Claudia Orange, The Treaty<br />

of Waitangi. 2 nd Ed. Wellington: Williams Books, 1995; Alan Ward, A Show of Justice: Racial ‘Amalgamation’ in<br />

Nineteenth Century New Zeal<strong>and</strong>. 2 nd Ed. Auckl<strong>and</strong>: Auckl<strong>and</strong> University Press, 1995.)<br />

130 Cf. II:39.<br />

103

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