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expected to be sources of any considerable profit for some time to come” (I:6), not to mention the<br />

erroneous notion of New Zeal<strong>and</strong> as a refitting station for traders, as they went instead to the<br />

Pacific Isl<strong>and</strong>s, “where they could be supplied with wood <strong>and</strong> provisions at a much cheaper rate”<br />

(I:8). The same goes for the production of wool, silk, olives, oranges <strong>and</strong> wine which Dieffenbach<br />

doubts will thrive in most areas of New Zeal<strong>and</strong> (I:178). Moreover, in terms of the ‘peaceful’<br />

exploitation of the local Maori workforce, “the colonist can at present depend but little; <strong>and</strong><br />

although he will find them in other respects sufficiently useful, he has to pay them at the same<br />

high rate as his European workmen, without being sure that they will always work at his<br />

comm<strong>and</strong>” (I:6). However, even though the “internal resources <strong>and</strong> geographical position which<br />

secured to Great Britain its unequalled prosperity, are, although much inferior, yet similar, in<br />

New Zeal<strong>and</strong>”, he does believe the latter’s situation “may give her, in the course of time, as high<br />

a position” (I:8), albeit through a hardworking peasantry, <strong>and</strong> bring the country to an “entrepôt of<br />

commerce – a depôt for transit trade, <strong>and</strong> a manufacturing country, none of which it is at present”<br />

(I:18). Thus, “New Zeal<strong>and</strong> will rise slowly, but it must found its rise upon agriculture. Any<br />

material check to its prosperity need not be apprehended, if expectations are moderate, <strong>and</strong> if the<br />

l<strong>and</strong> questions are liberally <strong>and</strong> speedily settled” (I:19).<br />

This emphasis on the “laborious peasantry” (I:17) lends itself to the popular image of the<br />

‘worker’s paradise’ which must be viewed in the light of the Company’s at times seeming<br />

preference for absentee investors over labourers. Although he supports fixed price sales in<br />

Engl<strong>and</strong> to fund transportation costs for agricultural labourers <strong>and</strong> mechanics “in a just ratio to<br />

the dem<strong>and</strong> of labour, the price of provisions, the quantity of capital employed, <strong>and</strong> the actual<br />

produce of the l<strong>and</strong>, accompanied by a sound discretion as to the number of emigrants sent out”,<br />

it is out of resignation, more than anything, that it cannot “be easily replaced by a better one”<br />

(I:9). He does state, for example, that “if any other way could be devised to provide a fund for the<br />

purposes of emigration besides that of selling new l<strong>and</strong>s, no one can doubt that it would be better<br />

to give to the emigrants the l<strong>and</strong> for nothing, on the condition of their cultivating it” (I:10). In the<br />

present case, Dieffenbach favours the working-class model over mortgaging sections of l<strong>and</strong> to<br />

create capital for “gentlemen colonists” as it is the best means of attaining the “real value” of the<br />

l<strong>and</strong> (I:17):<br />

few years this trade, of which, from the geographical position of the ‘ whaling-ground,’ New Zeal<strong>and</strong> might have<br />

continued to be the centre, will be annihilated. Seals, which were plentiful in New Zeal<strong>and</strong>, but were slaughtered in<br />

the same indiscriminate manner, have already entirely disappeared” (I:53).<br />

70

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