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“natural gateway”, both arrival and departure point for frequent canoe-borne communication,
migration, warfare and trade between the southern parts of the North Island (extending as far
north as the Wairarapa and including the Raukawamoana or Cook Strait tribal area) and the
northern parts of the South Island (as far south as Nelson). As a result, this region was made up of
a number of different semi-nomadic tribes from various areas of New Zealand, consisting of both
visitors and locals who settled there for only relatively short periods of time considering the
potential for conflict over resources if peaceful relations were not maintained. 34 In this way,
Queen Charlotte Sound provides Forster with the general model for Maori customs and
behaviour. Overall, they appear to be a short-tempered yet friendly people who are fairly
accustomed to Europeans and fortunately prefer water to alcohol. 35 Naturally, two main activities
are emphasised which seem to take up much of their time throughout the year, namely trade and
war. His first impression sees the local Maori as eager traders, albeit sometimes bordering on
impudent, who covet everything they see and, unlike those in Dusky Sound, appreciate the
usefulness and value of European goods. In fact, despite their indifference to such items as beads
and ribbons, much interest in iron, nails and hatchets is shown, in contrast to Cook’s first arrival,
leading to their effectively determining what items are of value and their worth. Although Forster
notes varying behaviour towards Maori possessing European ‘curiosities’, from isolated cases of
perceived stealing to not expecting anything in return, 36 in general, they are contented with what
they get or in some instances hope for the best price possible but still accept whatever the result
(I:193). 37 Secondly, out of the overestimated 100,000 Maori in Queen Charlotte Sound, there are
“verschiedne unabhängige Partheyen […], die untereinander oft Krieg führen” (I:177) and
alternate between inhabiting a ‘kainga’ (unfortified village) and a fortified “hippa” (‘pa’) “auf so
34 See David R. Simmons, “The Forster Collection of Artifacts from New Zealand”, in: Enlightenment and New
Zealand, 22-30; D. R. Simmons, “Plus Ça Change: the Totaranui People and Their Culture”, in: Queen Charlotte
Sound, New Zealand: The Traditional and European Records, 1820. Edited and Introduced by Glynn Barratt.
Ottawa, Canada: Carleton University Press, 1987, 37-73; Stephen O’Regan, “Queen Charlotte Sound: Aspects of
Maori Traditional History”, in: ibid., 139-58; D. R. Simmons, “Artefacts and People: Inter-Island Trade Through
Queen Charlotte Sound”, in: ibid., 159-86; Salmond, Between Worlds, 65-67.
35 Following the intoxicated behaviour of the teenage Maori boy “Taywaherua” (Te Weherua), who stamps his feet,
threatens, grumbles and sulks in child-like fashion when an item of clothing is refused him, Forster states: “Die
empfindliche, leicht zu beleidigende Gemüthsart dieses Volks zeigte sich nirgends deutlicher als in dieses Knaben
Betragen; und wir sahen bey dieser Gelegenheit, welch ein Glück es für sie ist, daß sie von berauschenden Getränken
nichts wißen, denn dergleichen würde sie ohnfehlbar noch wilder und unbändiger machen” (I:185).
36 See II:363f.
37 For a history of exchange relations in the South Pacific, see Nicholas Thomas, Entangled Objects: Exchange,
Material Culture, and Colonialism in the Pacific. Cambridge, Massachusetts; London, England: Harvard University
Press, 1991.
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