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In answer to the King’s question on why the Maori should have a British Queen instead of their<br />

own king, Reischek continues his diplomacy:<br />

Ich erwiderte, daß die Engländer die Rechte der Maori nicht schmälern würden, wenn sie friedlich<br />

mit ihnen lebten und nur jene Mörder auslieferten, denen sie jetzt noch Asyl in ihrem Gebiete<br />

gewähren.<br />

Tawhiao sagte, er sei zwar zu friedlicher Gemeinschaft bereit, er werde aber die Mörder<br />

nicht ausliefern, da sie seine Stammesbrüder seien. Die Weißen seien nach Neuseel<strong>and</strong><br />

gekommen, ohne daß die Maori sie gerufen hätten. Als sich später die Maori gegen die Ländergier<br />

und Herrschsucht der Weißen aufgelehnt hätten, seien sie von den Europäern bekriegt worden. Da<br />

diese bessere Waffen gehabt hätten, hätten die Maori naturgemäß unterliegen müssen. Nun gälten<br />

sie als die Schuldigen, weil sie die Schwächeren seien. (187)<br />

Following the conversation, Reischek is further observed <strong>and</strong> treated with every courtesy as an<br />

“Ehrengast”, albeit confined to his immediate surroundings: “Diese Gefangenschaft war mir nur<br />

deshalb peinlich, weil ich keine Beobachtungen aufzeichnen konnte, wollte ich nicht das<br />

Mißtrauen der Maori gegen mich wecken. Daß sie mich als Geisel verwenden würden,<br />

befürchtete ich weniger, da ich das vornehme Wesen und die Anständigkeit der Maori kannte”<br />

(188). 176 King criticises Reischek for implying the whole gathering, horse race <strong>and</strong> feast were<br />

held in his honour, when the contrary is the case, as the ‘hui’ was primarily set up to resolve the<br />

dispute between Waikato <strong>and</strong> Ngati Maniapoto over recognising Tawhiao’s authority <strong>and</strong> whether<br />

to seek l<strong>and</strong> matters out through the Native L<strong>and</strong> Court:<br />

Rather than offer an account of a major dispute that was to affect the future character of the King<br />

Movement, <strong>and</strong> whose outcome was awaited by the New Zeal<strong>and</strong> Government with some anxiety,<br />

Reischek chose instead to speak as if he were stepping back into an exotic past where time <strong>and</strong><br />

progress were unknown concepts. He was concerned about superficialities, <strong>and</strong> particularly<br />

superficialities that would weave the kind of narrative he wanted to write. Again this was a<br />

consequence of his being out of his depth, <strong>and</strong> a lack of training that would have helped him<br />

recognise the significant aspects of what was happening around him. It was probably also an<br />

attempt to render the booty of this expedition more attractive <strong>and</strong> more valuable in the eyes of his<br />

European readers. 177<br />

Granted the reliability of any explorer with an insufficient knowledge of Maori must be taken into<br />

account, the role of Reischek junior, which again comes to the fore, is, however, no less<br />

important. Reischek, for example, states in “Meine Reisen auf Neu-Seel<strong>and</strong>” the nature of his<br />

nightly discussions with the King <strong>and</strong> his advisors during his three weeks under observation:<br />

“[Z]ur selben Zeit [waren] die Maori gegen die Europäer sehr gereizt […], weil das Militär den<br />

176 This statement led Priday to overdramatically label a chapter “A Hostage of King Tawhiao”. No mention of<br />

“Gefangenschaft” appears in the original manuscript however (unpublished manuscript, II: 448f.).<br />

177 King, Collector, 77.<br />

264

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