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Gacovic Od romanskog stanovnistva do Rumuna Timocana (VII-XVI vek) knjiga III (1)

VI Nastanak i razvoj romanskog/rumunskog jezika i (supstratni) leksički ostaci ovog u prizrensko- timočkom dijalektu kao pokazatelji kontinuiteta Vlaha/Rumuna na prostoru Timocke zone VI - 1. Jezik Vlaha/Rumuna Timotke zone uvodne napomene VI 2. Istorijski izvori o podunavskom latinitetu i nastanku rumunskog jezika VI 3. Leksika Vlaha/Rumuna Timočke zone VI 4. Formiranje leksike - Izvedene ili nasleđene leksike VI 5. Morfologija rumunskog jezika VI 6. Grčke pozajmice u latinskom i rumunskom jeziku VI 7. Slovenske pozajmice u latinskom rumunskom jeziku i obratno VI 8. Turske pozajmice u rumunskom jeziku VI 9. Druge leksi¢ke pozajmice VII Fonetika rumunskog jezika . VIII Balkanizmi i leksički ostaci rumunskog jezika u prizrensko-timočkom dijalektu i argoima na _ prostoru Timok-Osogovo-Sara IX Onomastika Vlaha kao pokazatelj romaniteta na Balkanu sa posebnim osvrtom na Timočku zonu IX 1. Lična imena Braničevskog subašiluka 1467 godine IX 2. Lična imena Vidinskog sandžaka po popisu iz 1478/81. godine X Romansko/Rumunsko i drugo stanovništvo Timočke zone u svetlu toponomastike

VI Nastanak i razvoj romanskog/rumunskog jezika i (supstratni) leksički ostaci ovog u prizrensko- timočkom dijalektu kao pokazatelji kontinuiteta Vlaha/Rumuna na prostoru Timocke zone
VI - 1. Jezik Vlaha/Rumuna Timotke zone uvodne napomene
VI 2. Istorijski izvori o podunavskom latinitetu i nastanku rumunskog jezika
VI 3. Leksika Vlaha/Rumuna Timočke zone
VI 4. Formiranje leksike - Izvedene ili nasleđene leksike
VI 5. Morfologija rumunskog jezika
VI 6. Grčke pozajmice u latinskom i rumunskom jeziku
VI 7. Slovenske pozajmice u latinskom rumunskom jeziku i obratno
VI 8. Turske pozajmice u rumunskom jeziku
VI 9. Druge leksi¢ke pozajmice
VII Fonetika rumunskog jezika . VIII Balkanizmi i leksički ostaci rumunskog jezika u prizrensko-timočkom dijalektu i argoima na _ prostoru Timok-Osogovo-Sara
IX Onomastika Vlaha kao pokazatelj romaniteta na Balkanu sa posebnim osvrtom na Timočku zonu
IX 1. Lična imena Braničevskog subašiluka 1467 godine
IX 2. Lična imena Vidinskog sandžaka po popisu iz 1478/81. godine
X Romansko/Rumunsko i drugo stanovništvo Timočke zone u svetlu toponomastike

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298 Slavoljub Gacović<br />

Viminacium, Singidunum, Ratiaria and elsewhere, and also by a large<br />

number of monuments, on which the successors are stated (hedes).<br />

„The Latin urban population during the prosecution, with a<br />

considerable number of martyrs demonstrates their commitment to<br />

Christianity“ and in Dacian diocese, or in Moesia Prima, Dacia<br />

Mediterranea and Dacia Ripensis, where major cities had their own diocese,<br />

and the rural population after the Edict of Milan (313) during the fourth<br />

century began to massively accept Christianity. As evidence that the<br />

population of the prefecture of Illyricum was Roman, we can use the fact<br />

that in this area Latin clergy used to preach after the formation of<br />

Thessaloniki Vicariate at the end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth<br />

century, which was under the auspices of the Roman Curia until the mideighth<br />

century. Christianity was transmitted directly in the Latin language,<br />

when a baptized husband would teil the news of salvation in Christ to his<br />

still unbaptized wife, a slave to his master or master to his servants, traders<br />

to customers, <strong>do</strong>ctors to patients, etc. The directions of the spreading of<br />

Christianity were at the same time the lines of trade, usually with Italic and<br />

Gallic regions, where troops used to pass, and administrative and state works<br />

of Romans were performed, who officially used Latin. The northern part of<br />

Tllyria, especially the mountainous area which is far from Trans-Balkan<br />

roads, accepted Christianity slower and much later, only in the fourth and the<br />

fifth centuries, and in the first half of the sixth century Justinian in his novels<br />

(XI and CXXXII) from 535 and 545 formed for the area of Illyricum a<br />

special ecclesiastical district under the auspices of the Roman Curia, which<br />

he kept in the administrative framework of the Eastern Roman Empire.<br />

With the invasion of the Huns in the first half of the fifth céntury, and<br />

the Bulgarian incursions, and those by Slavic and other tribes in the first half<br />

of the sixth century, Roman rule in Dacian diocese was not severely shaken,<br />

becausg, if it had been, who would in mid-sixth century have built the new<br />

and renovated the old castles, and for which population were they built if not<br />

for Roman? Smaller cities would fall into the hands of the enemy rarely and<br />

only temporarily. It can be said that the Dacian diocese had a central place in<br />

Justinian’s concept of defense of the Balkans, and construction activity and<br />

the praises uttered to Justinian by Procopius in De aedificiis are more turned<br />

to the renewal of the neglected instead of creating new objects. Of course,<br />

Roman administration in Dacian diocese depended more on the scope and<br />

severity of barbarian invasions themselves then on their own defensive<br />

capabilities, so no wonder that soldiers originating from Illyricum deserted<br />

in 554/55 from the battlefield in Italy, concerned with the news that their<br />

country was being freely ravaged by „the Huns®, i.e. Bulgarians.<br />

That barbarians had a much larger force than the defense in Iilyria and<br />

Thrace, we learn from Velizar’s letter addressed to Justinian, which says that<br />

Romanizacija i romansko stanovnistvo Timocke zone (I-<strong>XVI</strong> <strong>vek</strong>) 299<br />

the little army that exists in the provinces in the Balkans has no experience.<br />

In such circumstances, the defense of cities and general economic goods in<br />

Thrace and Illyricum was left, as shown by numerous testimonies, mostly in<br />

full, to the local Latin population, which was repeatedly being detained and<br />

taken to the left bank of the Danube, and then purchased and returned to the<br />

native Dacian Diocese, where from they had been taken away. By all<br />

accounts, the border set on the Danube, particularly in Dacia and Moesia<br />

Prima, lost its meaning because it no longer seemed to defend the interior of<br />

the Balkans is 585/6. However, it is unlikely that the towns of Dacia near the<br />

Danube fell before 602, and that Simocata fails to inform us. The life of<br />

Roman citizens and heterogeneous ethnic populations was even renewed in<br />

them, because this is confirmed by archaeological artifacts (pottery, etc.) and<br />

the circulation of money from Maurice’s time (582-602).<br />

This Roman population with the arrival of the Avars, and the arrival of<br />

Slavic tribes in the early seventh century and of the Bulgarians at the end of<br />

that century, survived in the following centuries in former Dacian Diocese.<br />

First, the Huns in the fifth century, the Slavs in the sixth and finally the<br />

Avars in the second decade of the seventh century, took the „whole“ Roman<br />

population of the Illyrian Provinces, both Pannonias, both Dacias, Dardania,<br />

Moesia, Prevalis, Ro<strong>do</strong>pi, Thrace and all others to the area today’s Srem,<br />

from where they rcturned by the name Sermisians, led by Cuver in the ninth<br />

decade of the seventh centuryzfo Keramesian or Bitola field. After all, the<br />

struggles that were fought against Sclavinius during the seventh and the<br />

eighth centuries were far from the space the Timok area and middle Danube,<br />

where the Roman inhabitants managed to subsist during the following<br />

centuries.<br />

In the section where we discuss the Roman population in contact with<br />

immigrant Slavic, Serbian and Bulgarian tribes, we pointed to the<br />

relationship, which had been forming for centuries emphasizing the<br />

difference between Barbaricum and respublica Romana. Over a millennium,<br />

Roman population, imbued with the traditions of Roman politics, was<br />

defined in opposition to the barbarians who had a more and more frequent<br />

contact with them. We followed a mutual influence, the process of<br />

Romanization of barbarians and Roman barbarization and we have defined<br />

the development of a new nation called the Sermisians, which was, more or<br />

less in the same area, after the tradition of Anonymous from the twelfth<br />

century, called Blachii ac pastores Romanorum. Therefore, a conglomerate<br />

of different nations, the Greeks, Catholics, Slavs and Bulgarians, who are<br />

called the Sermisians (Zeppnotevor), is an additional indication that the<br />

anonymous author Miracula II during the seventh century <strong>do</strong>es not<br />

recognize them as Romans, no matter that they are descendants of deportees<br />

from the Roman Illyrian provinces, but also they are certainly not recognized

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