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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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84 Chapter 3<br />

of an earlier group. They had lost the use of the Creek language, were not recognized<br />

by the U.S. government as a tribe, and had little contact with other Indians<br />

for decades. Yet, the Poarch Creek Indians had somehow ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed their identity.<br />

Paredes wanted to know how the Indians had managed this. He did what<br />

he called ‘‘old-fashioned ethnography,’’ <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g key-<strong>in</strong>formant <strong>in</strong>terview<strong>in</strong>g<br />

and learned about a cultural revitalization movement that had been go<strong>in</strong>g on<br />

s<strong>in</strong>ce the 1940s. That movement was led by some key people whose efforts<br />

over the years had made a difference. Paredes’s description of how the Poarch<br />

Creek Indians held their cultural identity <strong>in</strong> the face of such odds is an excellent<br />

example of elemental, idiographic theory. As you read his account you<br />

feel you understand how it worked (see Paredes 1974, 1992).<br />

So What’s Wrong?<br />

Noth<strong>in</strong>g’s wrong. Gross’s <strong>in</strong>tuitively appeal<strong>in</strong>g explanation for the kitchen<br />

fires <strong>in</strong> India r<strong>in</strong>gs true, but it doesn’t expla<strong>in</strong> why other societies that have<br />

escalat<strong>in</strong>g dowry don’t have kitchen fires. Nor does it tell us why dowry persists<br />

<strong>in</strong> India despite its be<strong>in</strong>g outlawed s<strong>in</strong>ce 1961, or why dowry—which,<br />

after all, only occurs <strong>in</strong> 7.5% of the world’s societies—exists <strong>in</strong> the first place.<br />

But Gross’s theory is a first-class example of theory at the local level—where<br />

research beg<strong>in</strong>s.<br />

Goldste<strong>in</strong>’s attractive theory expla<strong>in</strong>s the Tibetan case of fraternal polyandry,<br />

but it doesn’t expla<strong>in</strong> other reported cases of polyandry, like the one Hiatt<br />

studied <strong>in</strong> Sri Lanka.<br />

Paredes’s conv<strong>in</strong>c<strong>in</strong>g theory of how the Poarch Creeks ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed their<br />

cultural identity doesn’t tell us how other Native American groups managed<br />

to do this or why some groups did not manage it. Nor does it tell us anyth<strong>in</strong>g<br />

about why other ethnic groups ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> or fail to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> their identity <strong>in</strong> the<br />

United States or why ethnicity persists at all <strong>in</strong> the face of pressure from states<br />

on ethnic groups to assimilate. F<strong>in</strong>e. Others can try to make the theory more<br />

nomothetic.<br />

In any science, much of the best work is at the idiographic level of theory<br />

mak<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

Nomothetic Theory<br />

Nomothetic theories address questions like ‘‘So, what does account for the<br />

existence of dowry?’’<br />

Several theorists have tried to answer this question. Esther Boserup (1970)

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