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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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40 Chapter 2<br />

The Concept of Intelligence<br />

The classic example of a conceptual variable is <strong>in</strong>telligence. Intelligence is<br />

anyth<strong>in</strong>g we say it is. There is no way to tell whether it is: (1) the ability to<br />

th<strong>in</strong>k <strong>in</strong> abstractions and to generalize from cases; (2) the ability to remember<br />

long str<strong>in</strong>gs of unconnected facts; or (3) the ability to recite all of Shakespeare<br />

from memory. In the last analysis, the value of the concept of <strong>in</strong>telligence is<br />

that it allows us to predict, with vary<strong>in</strong>g success, th<strong>in</strong>gs like job success,<br />

grade-po<strong>in</strong>t average, likelihood of hav<strong>in</strong>g healthy children, and likelihood of<br />

be<strong>in</strong>g arrested for a felony.<br />

The key to understand<strong>in</strong>g the last statement is the phrase ‘‘with vary<strong>in</strong>g success.’’<br />

It is by now well known that measures of <strong>in</strong>telligence are culture<br />

bound; the standard U.S. <strong>in</strong>telligence tests are biased <strong>in</strong> favor of Whites and<br />

aga<strong>in</strong>st African Americans because of differences <strong>in</strong> access to education and<br />

differences <strong>in</strong> life experiences. Further afield, <strong>in</strong>telligence tests that are<br />

designed for Americans may not have any mean<strong>in</strong>g at all to people <strong>in</strong> radically<br />

different cultures.<br />

There is a famous, perhaps apocryphal, story about some American<br />

researchers who were determ<strong>in</strong>ed to develop a culture-free <strong>in</strong>telligence test<br />

based on manipulat<strong>in</strong>g and match<strong>in</strong>g shapes and colors. With an <strong>in</strong>terpreter<br />

along for guidance, they adm<strong>in</strong>istered the test to a group of Bushmen <strong>in</strong> the<br />

Kalahari Desert of South Africa. The first Bushman they tested listened<br />

politely to the <strong>in</strong>structions about match<strong>in</strong>g the colors and shapes and then<br />

excused himself.<br />

He returned <strong>in</strong> a few m<strong>in</strong>utes with half a dozen others, and they began an<br />

animated discussion about the test. The researchers asked the <strong>in</strong>terpreter to<br />

expla<strong>in</strong> that each man had to take the test himself. The Bushmen responded<br />

by say<strong>in</strong>g how silly that was; they solve problems together, and they would<br />

solve this one, too. So, although the content of the test might have been culture<br />

free, the test<strong>in</strong>g procedure itself was not.<br />

This critique of <strong>in</strong>telligence test<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> no way lessens the importance or<br />

usefulness of the concept of <strong>in</strong>telligence. The concept is useful, <strong>in</strong> certa<strong>in</strong> contexts,<br />

because its measurement allows us to predict other th<strong>in</strong>gs we want to<br />

know. And it is to actual measurement that we now turn.<br />

Operational Def<strong>in</strong>itions<br />

Conceptual def<strong>in</strong>itions are limited because, while they po<strong>in</strong>t us toward measurement,<br />

they don’t really give us any recipe for measurement. Without measurement,<br />

we cannot make useful comparisons. We cannot tell whether Spaniards<br />

are more flamboyant than the British, or whether Catholicism is more

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