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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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60 Chapter 2<br />

anyth<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> science. We try to get closer and closer to the truth by better and<br />

better measurement. All of science relies on concepts whose existence must<br />

ultimately be demonstrated by their effects. You can ram a car aga<strong>in</strong>st a<br />

cement wall at 50 miles an hour and account for the amount of crumpl<strong>in</strong>g<br />

done to the radiator by referr<strong>in</strong>g to a concept called ‘‘force.’’ The greater the<br />

force, the more crumpled the radiator. You demonstrate the existence of <strong>in</strong>telligence<br />

by show<strong>in</strong>g how it predicts school achievement or monetary success.<br />

The Problem with Validity<br />

If you suspect that there is someth<strong>in</strong>g deeply, desperately wrong with all<br />

this, you’re right. The whole argument for the validity (<strong>in</strong>deed, the very existence)<br />

of someth<strong>in</strong>g like <strong>in</strong>telligence is, frankly, circular: How do you know<br />

that <strong>in</strong>telligence exists? Because you see its effects <strong>in</strong> achievement. And how<br />

do you account for achievement? By say<strong>in</strong>g that someone has achieved highly<br />

because they’re <strong>in</strong>telligent. How do you know machismo exists? Because men<br />

dom<strong>in</strong>ate women <strong>in</strong> some societies. And how do you account for dom<strong>in</strong>ant<br />

behavior, like wife beat<strong>in</strong>g? By say<strong>in</strong>g that wife beaters are act<strong>in</strong>g out their<br />

machismo.<br />

In the hierarchy of construct reality, then, force ranks way up there (after<br />

all, it’s got several hundred years of theory and experimentation beh<strong>in</strong>d it),<br />

while th<strong>in</strong>gs like <strong>in</strong>telligence and machismo are pretty weak by comparison.<br />

And yet, as I made clear <strong>in</strong> chapter 1, the social and behavioral sciences are<br />

roar<strong>in</strong>g successes, on a par with the physical sciences <strong>in</strong> terms of the effects<br />

they have on our lives every day. This is possible because social scientists<br />

have ref<strong>in</strong>ed and tested many useful concepts and measurements for those concepts.<br />

Ultimately, the validity of any concept—force <strong>in</strong> physics, the self <strong>in</strong> psychology,<br />

modernization <strong>in</strong> sociology and political science, acculturation <strong>in</strong><br />

anthropology—depends on two th<strong>in</strong>gs: (1) the utility of the device that measures<br />

it; and (2) the collective judgment of the scientific community that a<br />

concept and its measure are valid. In the end, we are left to deal with the<br />

effects of our judgments, which is just as it should be. Valid measurement<br />

makes valid data, but validity itself depends on the collective op<strong>in</strong>ion of<br />

researchers.<br />

Cause and Effect<br />

Cause and effect is among the most highly debated issues <strong>in</strong> the philosophy<br />

of knowledge. (See Hollis [1996] for a review.) We can never be absolutely

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