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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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242 Chapter 9<br />

Questions about gender and gender roles produce deference effects, too.<br />

When you ask people <strong>in</strong> the United States how most couples actually divide<br />

child care, men are more likely than women to say that men and women share<br />

this responsibility—if the <strong>in</strong>terviewer is a man (Kane and McCaulay 1993:11).<br />

Do women have too much <strong>in</strong>fluence, just the right amount of <strong>in</strong>fluence, or<br />

too little <strong>in</strong>fluence <strong>in</strong> today’s society? When asked this question by a male<br />

<strong>in</strong>terviewer, men are more likely to say that women have too much <strong>in</strong>fluence;<br />

when asked the same question by a female <strong>in</strong>terviewer, men are more likely<br />

to say that women have too little <strong>in</strong>fluence.<br />

And similarly for women: When asked by a female <strong>in</strong>terviewer, women are<br />

more likely to say that men have too much <strong>in</strong>fluence than when asked by a<br />

male <strong>in</strong>terviewer (Kane and Macaulay 1993:14–15). Lueptow et al. (1990)<br />

found that women gave more liberal responses to female <strong>in</strong>terviewers than to<br />

male <strong>in</strong>terviewers on questions about gender roles. Men’s attitudes about gender<br />

roles were, for the most part, unaffected by the gender of the <strong>in</strong>terviewer—<br />

except that highly educated men gave the most liberal responses about gender<br />

roles to female <strong>in</strong>terviewers.<br />

‘‘It appears,’’ said Lueptow et al., ‘‘that educated respondents of both sexes<br />

are shift<strong>in</strong>g their answers toward the socially desirable positions they th<strong>in</strong>k are<br />

held by female <strong>in</strong>terviewers’’ (p. 38). Attitudes about gender roles sure are<br />

adaptable.<br />

Questions that aren’t race related are not affected much by the race or the<br />

ethnicity of either the <strong>in</strong>terviewer or the respondent. The Center for Applied<br />

L<strong>in</strong>guistics conducted a study of 1,472 bil<strong>in</strong>gual children <strong>in</strong> the United States.<br />

The children were <strong>in</strong>terviewed by Whites, Cuban Americans, Chicanos,<br />

Native Americans, or Ch<strong>in</strong>ese Americans. Weeks and Moore (1981) compared<br />

the scores obta<strong>in</strong>ed by white <strong>in</strong>terviewers with those obta<strong>in</strong>ed by various ethnic<br />

<strong>in</strong>terviewers and it turned out that the ethnicity of the <strong>in</strong>terviewer didn’t<br />

have a significant effect.<br />

Whenever you have multiple <strong>in</strong>terviewers, keep track of the race, ethnicity,<br />

and gender of the <strong>in</strong>terviewer and test for response effects. Identify<strong>in</strong>g sources<br />

of bias is better than not identify<strong>in</strong>g them, even if you can’t elim<strong>in</strong>ate them.<br />

(For more on the deference effect and the social desirability effect, see Krysan<br />

and Couper 2003.)<br />

The Third-Party-Present Effect<br />

We sort of take it for granted that <strong>in</strong>terviews are private conversations, conducted<br />

one on one, but <strong>in</strong> fact, many face-to-face <strong>in</strong>terviews have at least one<br />

third party <strong>in</strong> the room, often the spouse or partner of the person be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>terviewed.<br />

Does this affect how people respond to questions? Sometimes it does,

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