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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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306 Chapter 11<br />

down a list of 43 fish (tarpon, silver perch, Spanish mackerel, etc.), and pick<br />

out the fish that fit each frame. Here are a few of the belief frames:<br />

The meat from<br />

is oily tast<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

It is hard to clean .<br />

I prefer to catch .<br />

That’s 43 62 2,666 judgments by each of 120 <strong>in</strong>formants, but <strong>in</strong>formants<br />

were usually able to do the task <strong>in</strong> about half an hour (Johnson, personal<br />

communication). The 62 frames, by the way, came straight out of ethnographic<br />

<strong>in</strong>terviews where <strong>in</strong>formants were asked to list fish and to talk about<br />

the characteristics of those fish.<br />

Gillian Sankoff (1971) studied land tenure and k<strong>in</strong>ship among the Buang, a<br />

mounta<strong>in</strong> people of northeastern New Gu<strong>in</strong>ea. The most important unit of<br />

social organization among the Buang is the dgwa, a k<strong>in</strong>d of descent group,<br />

like a clan. Sankoff wanted to figure out the very complicated system by<br />

which men <strong>in</strong> the village of Mambump identified with various dgwa and with<br />

various named garden plots.<br />

The Buang system was apparently too complex for bureaucrats to fathom,<br />

so, to save adm<strong>in</strong>istrators a lot of trouble, the men of Mambump had years<br />

earlier devised a simplified system that they presented to outsiders. Instead of<br />

claim<strong>in</strong>g that they had ties with one or more of five different dgwa, they each<br />

decided which of the two largest dgwa they would belong to, and that was as<br />

much as the New Gu<strong>in</strong>ea adm<strong>in</strong>istration knew.<br />

To unravel the complex system of land tenure and descent, Sankoff made a<br />

list of all 47 men <strong>in</strong> the village and all 140 yam plots that they had used over<br />

the recent past. Sankoff asked each man to go through the list of men and<br />

identify which dgwa each man belonged to. If a man belonged to more than<br />

one, then Sankoff got that <strong>in</strong>formation, too. She also asked her <strong>in</strong>formants to<br />

identify which dgwa each of the 140 garden plots belonged to.<br />

As you might imag<strong>in</strong>e, there was considerable variability <strong>in</strong> the data. Only<br />

a few men were uniformly placed <strong>in</strong>to one of the five dgwa by their peers. But<br />

by analyz<strong>in</strong>g the matrices of dgwa membership and land use, Sankoff was<br />

able to determ<strong>in</strong>e the core members and peripheral members of the various<br />

dgwa.<br />

She was also able to ask important questions about <strong>in</strong>tracultural variability.<br />

She looked at the variation <strong>in</strong> cognitive models among the Buang for how land<br />

use and membership <strong>in</strong> descent groups were related. Sankoff’s analysis was<br />

an important milestone <strong>in</strong> our understand<strong>in</strong>g of the measurable differences<br />

between <strong>in</strong>dividual culture vs. shared culture. It supported Goodenough’s

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