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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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430 Chapter 15<br />

0.04 compar<strong>in</strong>g across groups. It’s the same for activities: If women are seen<br />

at leisure 20% of their time and car<strong>in</strong>g for children 25% of their time, then<br />

you need 1,066 observations to tell if women really spend more time car<strong>in</strong>g<br />

for children than they do at leisure.<br />

Oboler had 1,500 observations. It is clear from table 15.2 that her f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs<br />

about men’s and women’s leisure and work time are not accidents. An activity<br />

seen <strong>in</strong> a sample of just 256 observations to occur 40% of the time can be<br />

estimated actually to occur between 40%, plus or m<strong>in</strong>us 15% of 40%, or<br />

between 34% and 46%. S<strong>in</strong>ce men are seen work<strong>in</strong>g 38% of the time and<br />

about half of Oboler’s 1,500 observations were of men, her f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g is solid.<br />

Nighttime Sampl<strong>in</strong>g<br />

Most time allocation studies are done dur<strong>in</strong>g the daylight hours, between 6<br />

a.m. and 7–8 p.m. In Johnson’s case, this was explicitly because ‘‘travel after<br />

dark is hazardous, and because visit<strong>in</strong>g at night is not encouraged by the<br />

Machiguenga’’ (Johnson 1975:303).<br />

Of course, we know that life doesn’t stop when the sun goes down. Kenneth<br />

Good spent 13 years with the Yanomami <strong>in</strong> the Venezuelan Amazon. The<br />

Yanomami, Good reports, sit around at night and plan the next day’s hunt—<br />

not <strong>in</strong> whispers, but <strong>in</strong> full volume. When the mood strikes, a Yanomami man<br />

might sit <strong>in</strong> his hammock and give a speech, to everyone with<strong>in</strong> earshot. ‘‘A<br />

Yanomami night,’’ says Good, ‘‘was like another day. . . . Like the Yanomami,<br />

I’d spend eleven hours <strong>in</strong> my hammock at night to get seven or eight hours of<br />

actual sleep’’ (Good 1991:41–42).<br />

Richard Scaglion (1986) did nighttime spot observations <strong>in</strong> his study of the<br />

Abelam <strong>in</strong> New Gu<strong>in</strong>ea. In 1983, when Scaglion did his study, there were 350<br />

people <strong>in</strong> the village, liv<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> 100 households. Scaglion randomly selected 2<br />

households each day, and visited them at randomly selected times, throughout<br />

the day and night.<br />

Scaglion didn’t get much sleep dur<strong>in</strong>g the month that he did this work, but<br />

his f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs were worth the sacrifice. He coded his 153 observations <strong>in</strong>to 13<br />

categories of activities: sleep<strong>in</strong>g, garden<strong>in</strong>g, idle, cook<strong>in</strong>g and food preparation,<br />

ritual, visit<strong>in</strong>g, eat<strong>in</strong>g, hunt<strong>in</strong>g, construction, personal hygiene, child<br />

care, cleans<strong>in</strong>g and wash<strong>in</strong>g, and craftwork. Only 74% of Abelam activities<br />

dur<strong>in</strong>g nighttime hours were coded as ‘‘sleep<strong>in</strong>g.’’ Seven of the n<strong>in</strong>e observations<br />

that he coded as ‘‘ritual’’ occurred after dark. Half of all observations<br />

coded as ‘‘hunt<strong>in</strong>g’’ occurred at night, and six out of eight observations coded<br />

as ‘‘visit<strong>in</strong>g’’ were nocturnal.<br />

Had he done his TA study only dur<strong>in</strong>g the day, Scaglion would have overestimated<br />

the amount of time that Abelam people spend garden<strong>in</strong>g by about a

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