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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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38 Chapter 2<br />

use them <strong>in</strong> everyday conversation to tell people what we mean by some term<br />

or phrase. Operational def<strong>in</strong>itions consist of a set of <strong>in</strong>structions on how to<br />

measure a variable that has been conceptually def<strong>in</strong>ed.<br />

Suppose I tell you that ‘‘Alice and Fred just moved to a spacious house.’’<br />

Nice concept. You ask: ‘‘What do you mean by ‘spacious’?’’ and I say: ‘‘You<br />

know, big rooms, high ceil<strong>in</strong>gs.’’<br />

If that isn’t enough for you, we’ll have to move from a conceptual def<strong>in</strong>ition<br />

of ‘‘spacious’’ to an operational one. We’ll have to agree on what to measure:<br />

Do we count the screened-<strong>in</strong> porch and the garage or just the <strong>in</strong>terior liv<strong>in</strong>g<br />

space? Do we count the square footage or the cubic footage? That is, do we<br />

get a measure of the liv<strong>in</strong>g surface, or some measure of the ‘‘feel<strong>in</strong>g of spaciousness’’<br />

that comes from high ceil<strong>in</strong>gs? Do we measure the square footage<br />

of open space before or after the furniture and appliances go <strong>in</strong>? If we had to<br />

agree on th<strong>in</strong>gs like this for every concept, ord<strong>in</strong>ary human discourse would<br />

come to a gr<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g halt.<br />

Science is not ord<strong>in</strong>ary human discourse, however, and this, <strong>in</strong> my view, is<br />

the most important difference between the humanistic and the scientific (positivistic)<br />

approaches to social science. Humanistic researchers seek to ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong><br />

the essential feel of human discourse. Positivists focus more on specific measurement.<br />

I do not see these two styles as <strong>in</strong>imical to one another, but as complementary.<br />

To get a feel for how complementary the two styles can be, ask some 50<br />

year olds and some 20 year olds—men and women of both ages—to tell you<br />

how old you have to be <strong>in</strong> order to be middle aged. You’ll see immediately<br />

how volatile the conceptual def<strong>in</strong>ition of ‘‘middle age’’ is. If you ask people<br />

about what it means to ‘‘be middle aged,’’ you’ll get plenty of material for an<br />

<strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g paper on the subject. If you want to measure the differences<br />

between men and women and between older and younger people on this variable,<br />

you’ll have to do more than just ask them. Figure 2.3 shows an <strong>in</strong>strument<br />

for measur<strong>in</strong>g this variable.<br />

1 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 90 95 100<br />

Here is a l<strong>in</strong>e that represents age. Obviously, a person 1 year of age is a baby, and a person 100 years of age is old. Put a<br />

mark on the l<strong>in</strong>e where you th<strong>in</strong>k middle age beg<strong>in</strong>s and another mark where you th<strong>in</strong>k middle age ends.<br />

Figure 2.3. An <strong>in</strong>strument for measur<strong>in</strong>g what people th<strong>in</strong>k ‘‘middle age’’ means.<br />

Many concepts that we use <strong>in</strong> anthropology have volatile def<strong>in</strong>itions:<br />

‘‘power,’’ ‘‘social class,’’ ‘‘machismo,’’ ‘‘alienation,’’ ‘‘will<strong>in</strong>gness to<br />

change,’’ and ‘‘fear of retribution.’’ If we are to talk sensibly about such<br />

th<strong>in</strong>gs, we need clear, <strong>in</strong>tersubjective def<strong>in</strong>itions of them. In other words,

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