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Russel-Research-Method-in-Anthropology

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<strong>Research</strong> Design: Experiments and Experimental Th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g 131<br />

list of obscene words and some sexually explicit passages from some novels—<br />

aloud, <strong>in</strong> front of a man who was runn<strong>in</strong>g the experiment. (It may be hard to<br />

imag<strong>in</strong>e now, but those women who went through this <strong>in</strong> the 1950s must have<br />

been very uncomfortable.) Another third were assigned randomly to a group<br />

that had to recite some nonobscene words that had to do with sex and a third<br />

group went through no screen<strong>in</strong>g at all.<br />

Then, each participant was given headphones to listen <strong>in</strong> on a discussion<br />

that was supposedly go<strong>in</strong>g on among the members of the group she was jo<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g.<br />

The ‘‘discussion’’ was actually a tape and it was, as Aronson and Mills<br />

said, ‘‘one of the most worthless and un<strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g discussions imag<strong>in</strong>able’’<br />

(ibid.:179). The women rated the discussion, on a scale of 0–15, on th<strong>in</strong>gs like<br />

dull-<strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g, <strong>in</strong>telligent-un<strong>in</strong>telligent, and so on.<br />

Those <strong>in</strong> the tough <strong>in</strong>itiation condition rated the discussion higher than did<br />

the women <strong>in</strong> either the control group or the mild <strong>in</strong>itiation group. S<strong>in</strong>ce all<br />

the women were assigned randomly to participate <strong>in</strong> one of the groups, the<br />

outcome was unlikely to have occurred by chance. Well, the women <strong>in</strong> the<br />

tough <strong>in</strong>itiation condition had gone through a lot to jo<strong>in</strong> the discussion. When<br />

they discovered how bor<strong>in</strong>gly nonprurient it was, what did they do? They conv<strong>in</strong>ced<br />

themselves that the group was worth jo<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g.<br />

Aaronson and Mills’s f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs were corroborated by Gerard and Mathewson<br />

(1966) <strong>in</strong> an <strong>in</strong>dependent experiment. Those f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs from the laboratory<br />

can now be the basis for a field test, across cultures, of the orig<strong>in</strong>al hypothesis.<br />

Conversely, events <strong>in</strong> the real world can stimulate laboratory experiments.<br />

In 1963, <strong>in</strong> Queens, New York, Kitty Genovese was stabbed to death <strong>in</strong> the<br />

street one night. There were 38 eyewitnesses who saw the whole grisly episode<br />

from their apartment w<strong>in</strong>dows, and not one of them called the police.<br />

The newspapers called it ‘‘apathy,’’ but Bibb Latané and John Darley had a<br />

different explanation. They called it diffusion of responsibility and they did<br />

an experiment to test their idea (1968).<br />

Latané and Darley <strong>in</strong>vited ord<strong>in</strong>ary people to participate <strong>in</strong> a ‘‘psychology<br />

experiment.’’ While the participants were wait<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> an anteroom to be called<br />

for the experiment, the room filled with smoke. If there was a s<strong>in</strong>gle participant<br />

<strong>in</strong> the room, 75% reported the smoke right away. If there were three or<br />

more participants wait<strong>in</strong>g together, they reported the smoke only 38% of the<br />

time. People <strong>in</strong> groups just couldn’t figure out whose responsibility it was to<br />

do someth<strong>in</strong>g. So they did noth<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

True Experiments <strong>in</strong> the Field<br />

When experiments are done outside the lab, they are called field experiments.<br />

Jacob Hornik (1992) does experiments to test the effect of be<strong>in</strong>g

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